‘Science for social revolution’: People’s Science Movements and democratizing science in India

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Authors:

Venkateswaran T.V.

Abstract:

Often, new social movements engaged with science and society are characterised as contesting objectivity; the neutrality of modern science seeking to legitimise ‘lay perspectives’. It has been an article of faith among scholars to view third world movements as anti-science, anti-modernity and post-developmentalist. This commentary describes ideological framework, modes of action and organisation of the All India People’s Science Network (AIPSN), one of the People’s science movement (PSMs) active for more than the past four decades. They dispute the dominant development trajectory and science and technology-related policies for reinforcing the existing inequities. Nevertheless, they see ‘science’ as a powerful ally for realising their radical emancipatory vision of ‘science for social revolution’. Mobilising ‘science activists’ as unique alternate communicators, they strive for lay-expert collaboration. The canonical framing of third world social movements as postcolonial and anti-modern does not capture this unique case from India. Further studies are required to tease out such strands of social movements elsewhere.

 

On Hasty Regulatory Approvals in India for Covid-19 Vaccines

click here for pdf of English version AIPSNStatement-VaccineApprovals-6Jan2021

On Hasty Regulatory Approvals in India for Covid-19 Vaccines

6 Jan 2021

India’s regulatory authority for medical products, the Central Drug Standards Control Organization (CDSCO), gave  “restricted emergency approval” on 2nd January 2020 for two Covid-19 Vaccines, namely Serum Institute of India (SII)’s “Covishield” being manufactured in India under technology transfer from Oxford University-Astra Zeneca, and the indigenous “Covaxin” developed by Bharat Biotech in collaboration with ICMR/National Institute of Virology.

AIPSN salutes the efforts of Indian scientists, research institutions and vaccine manufacturers in bringing to the forefront indigenous vaccines like Covaxin in less than a year, with some other candidates just a few months behind. As and when these vaccines meet the threshold requirements for at least 50% efficacy, AIPSN will join other citizens in hailing this triumph and India’s contribution to the global battle against the Covid-19 pandemic.

Tragically, the Government and CDSCO have together seriously damaged these hopes, and also undermined confidence in Covaxin and other vaccines against Covid-19, in particular concerning Covaxin, due to lack of evidence and unsatisfactory scientific basis, non-transparency and concerns around possible political pressure.

SII’s Covishield was approved on the basis of Phase-III clinical trials data from Brazil and the UK, and the approval granted by the UK’s Medical & Healthcare Regulatory Agency (MHRA) based on 70.4% efficacy revealed by the related published data despite some remaining grey areas relating to varying dosages. CDSCO approval for SII’s Covishield could have awaited results from on-going Phase-III trials and bridge studies in India to demonstrate efficacy and bio-equivalence.  However, given the UK approval the approval by CDSCO, although not ideal, may be understandable. Questions still remain, however, about the Health Ministry’s announcement of an extended gap of up to 12 weeks between the first and second doses, whereas the SEC is understood to have recommended the original protocol of 28-days.

The approval for Bharat Biotech’s Covaxin raises more serious questions. The SEC had called for additional data from Phase-III trials, but appears to have been pressured overnight into reconsidering its decision and giving approval the next day, albeit hedged in by many conditions. CDSCO’s Statement shows that the approval is based only on Phase-I and Phase-II data on safety and immune response, but without any efficacy data from Phase-III trials. Top-ranking officials of the Government and ICMR have been strenuously defending this decision by stressing safety and arguing, without any evidence, that the design of Covaxin might make it more effective against the new UK mutation.  The opinion of ICMR, a co-developer of Covaxin, reflects possible bias and a conflict of interest, besides adding to perceptions of pressure on the regulator.

The serious doubts of the SEC on Covaxin are reflected in the CDSCO’s statement saying SII’s Covishield is approved “for restricted use in emergency situation subject to certain regulatory conditions” whereas, in contrast, approval for Bharat Biotech-ICMR’s Covaxin is given with numerous conditions such as “restricted use in emergency situation in public interest as an abundant precaution, in clinical trial mode, to have more options for vaccinations, especially in case of infection by mutant strains (emphasis added).”

True to form, the Government is steamrolling the decision, and attacking all critics, including many leading Indian scientists, as opponents of Indian science who should instead be upholding “national pride” over the indigenously developed vaccine. This achievement will indeed be hailed as a major Indian scientific achievement once efficacy data are released but, by this hasty approval without evidence, the Government has shot itself in the foot. Whatever prestige India may gain abroad for an indigenously-developed vaccine will be outweighed by the damage caused to the credibility of Covaxin in particular, and of Indian science, research and regulatory institutions.

 

In light of the above, the AIPSN calls for:

  1. Re-consideration of approval for Covaxin till efficacy data is available or, at least, strict adherence to conditions specified in the CDSCO order implying no roll-out of Covaxin for mass vaccination. 
  2. Phase-III efficacy trials for both vaccines continue without extraneous pressure and the data published at the earliest
  3. No vaccine or Covid-19 related drug be released for commercial use in the private sector until regular approval as per protocols (as distinct from emergency use authorization) are obtained.

For clarifications contact:

Sundararaman 99874388253 D. Raghunandan 9810098621 S.Krishnaswamy 9442158638

Rajamanickam, General Secretary, AIPSN gsaipsn@gmail.com, 9442915101 @gsaipsn

 

Condolence- Roddam Narasimha: an exemplar for future generations

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Roddam Narasimha: an exemplar for future generations

                 All India Peoples Science Network expresses its condolences over the passing away of one of India’s leading scientists, researcher and teacher Professor Roddam Narasimha (hereafter RN) in Bangalore on 14 December 2020 at the age of 87.  Born and brought up in Bangalore, he went to school and pursued higher education in mechanical engineering with a bachelor’s degree from Mysore University and Masters from the Department of Aeronautical Engineering, Indian Institute of Science (IISc) in Bangalore. At IISc he was mentored by Prof. Satish Dhawan, one of the founders of the indigenous Indian space programme and Director of IISc for over 20 years. RN went on to do his PhD under Prof. Hans Liepmann, who had also supervised Prof. Dhawan, from the prestigious California Institute of Technology (Caltech), in the USA. Like many like-minded scientists of his generation who had studied abroad, he returned to India motivated to advance self-reliant science and technology in India, and embarked on a long career undertaking world class research, mentoring several generations of students, and contributing to building several advanced research institutions in India. RN went on to become Professor at IISc in the now renamed Department of Aerospace Engineering over a near four-decade period. . He became Director of the CSIR’s National Aerospace Laboratory (NAL), Bangalore, was closely associated with the Jawaharlal Nehru Centre for Advanced Scientific Research (JNCASR) for 14 years and was also Director, National Institute of Advanced Studies (NIAS), Bangalore. Throughout he maintained his relationship with IISc.

RN made fundamental contributions to a number of areas in fluid mechanics, especially in studying turbulence, the transitions just from turbulent to laminar or normal flows as well as the reverse transition, parallel computing for fluid dynamics problems, and finally modeling of the monsoon. In a landmark paper published on the vibration of an elastic string RN derived an equation that has since been named after him. RN’s entire body of work excellently straddled the worlds of science and engineering. RN belonged to that early post-Independence generation of scientists who took on the challenging task of building scientific institutions in sovereign India, inspiring students to work on new scientific problems, and creating schools of scientific research while at the same time working on problems relevant to India’s developmental needs. RN was involved both as an engineering scientist in India’s aerospace industry and as a policymaker. At NAL he participated in a number of projects such as the development of the indigenous Light Combat Aircraft (LCA), and initiated work on parallel computing for a number of applications.  He also pioneered numerical modeling of the monsoons, beginning with his involvement in establishing the Centre for Atmospheric and Oceanic Sciences at IISc, where the now well-known Monsoon Trough Boundary Layer Experiment (MONTBLEX) was undertaken. Given the complexity of monsoon prediction, RN successfully lobbied for the formation of the Ministry of Earth Sciences. RN was deeply appreciative of the history of science and technology in India as evidenced by his classic paper on Tippu Sultan’s rockets and also took a balanced view of progressive and regressive trends within Indian society, as reflected in several writings and projects he undertook at NIAS and JNCASR. Current and future generations of scientists and engineers in India undoubtedly have an exemplary role model to look up too and emulate.

 

 

 

Contact

P.Rajamanickam, General Secretary AIPSN

gsaipsn@gmail.com, 9442915101

Twitter @gsaipsn

 

Stop Monopoly Publishers Efforts  To Deny Public Access to Scientific Publications

Stop Monopoly Publishers Efforts To Deny Public Access to Scientific Publications

click here English pdf SciHub-AIPSNStatement29Dec2020FinalP

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Stop Monopoly Publishers Efforts To Deny Public Access to Scientific Publications

Three major academic publishers—Elsevier Ltd., Wiley India Pvt. Ltd., American Chemical Society— have filed a petition in Delhi High Court asking for dynamic blocking of Sci-Hub and Libgen in India. SciHub is the first site to allow mass and public access to research publications while LibGen allows access to books. These websites help Indian scientists, teachers and students to freely access and download research publications and books even if they are behind paywalls.

Why are Elsevier, Wiley and American Chemical Society filing this suit? Journal publishing has one of the highest profit margins amongst different sectors and is now a 10 billion USD industry. The profit margin from journal publishing is nearly 40% or twice that of Google! Three publishers who have filed this case together publish 40% of scientific publication and control more than 50% of the publications in science and social sciences worldwide.

Knowledge and its access are accepted under the Universal Declaration of Human Rights as a fundamental human right. In reality, it is denied by the current system where a group of publishing monopolies make super-profits from the work. It is scientists who volunteer their time to both referee the papers and uphold quality, and also sit on editorial boards that manage the publishing process. These publishers have thus no contribution whatsoever to the research writing, refereeing and editing of the papers but enjoy the fruits of the mental and physical labour of researchers. Ironically, even those who produce the content, have to pay for accessing their own work. This is the business model of scientific publishing which is bad for science, while these publishers reap huge profits.

Alexandra Elbakyan, a young Kazakhstan science scholar, started Sci-Hub due to lack of access for the bulk of science scholars to good quality journal articles. Under the cases filed in the US, she can be arrested anywhere and transported to the US to face trial and a lengthy prison sentence. It is not an accident that the case filed in Delhi High Court asks for her address to be disclosed so that the full might of the US and its extra-territorial reach can be used to stop her.

Even well-off educational institutions such as the University of California in the US, are finding it difficult to pay the huge costs charged by these monopoly publishers and have refused to pay for the subscriptions. Significantly, researchers in Universities and Institutes who have access to these publications including the US, access SciHub, as it is much easier to download papers as a one-stop place with about 80 million papers.

An analysis in 2016 showed that Indian scholars downloaded about 7 million papers in one year using SciHub. Without SciHub, it would have cost the Indian Universities or students around 200-250 million USD, which neither the students nor the universities have.

Open Access journals allow people to read and download content free but the content producers – scientists and researchers or their institutions or funding agencies — have to pay the journals to be published. Instead of access, the problem for poorer countries and universities shift to the ability of its researchers to pay for being published. Moreover, only 20% of the research content today is in such open access journals.

The three publishers have filed similar suits in other countries as well. But in India, it is not only a case of publishers’ vs SciHub/Libgen. Here there is a huge community of students, teachers, research scholars and scientists whose access to these journals and books would virtually end if the publishers get their prayer in court for dynamic blocking to these sites. There will be serious long term consequences to science and education in India.

It might be believed that Sci-Hub has no legal case in India. This is not true. Sci-Hub does not charge any student or researcher for downloads — it is a free service. So it is not profiting from making such papers available. Secondly, Indian copyright law has exceptions for education and research. It is for the Courts to decide whether Sc-Hub’s use by research scholars in India constitutes a valid use of the copyright exceptions, similar to what was argued and decided by the courts in the Delhi University photo-copying case. Blocking these websites will also mean that access to those publications which are under open access or not published by these publishers will also get blocked.  Finally, these copyright holders are sitting on content some of which is more than 60 years old and free from copyright in India. Yet we still have to pay money to access even this content.

The case filed by the copyright holders in Delhi High Court asking for a blanket ban of the sites is not against Sci-Hub and Libgen; it is against the research scholars in this country. Most of whose research would come to a halt if this case by the robber barons of the publishing industry succeeds. It is the future of research in India that is at stake, not Alexandra Elbakyan or Sci-Hub’s future.

AIPSN demands that the monopolistic model of access to knowledge be given up and the process of free access to knowledge by the public accepted.

AIPSN joins hands in support of those legally fighting these monopoly publishing industries against SciHub and Libgen which are working like the story figure of Robin Hood in making the knowledge commons work by providing the public a way to have their right to accessing knowledge.

 

Contact

Rajamanickam, General Secretary AIPSN

gsaipsn@gmail.com, 9442915101

Twitter @gsaipsn

 

AIPSN statement on Vaccines and IPR waiver: India-South Africa Proposal for TRIPS Waiver – Putting People before Profit

click here for pdf of AIPSN-statement-on-Vaccines-and-IPR

AIPSN statement on Vaccines and IPR waiver

India-South Africa Proposal for TRIPS Waiver – Putting People before Profit

As Covid-19 pandemic continues to keep its grip on the globe, countries are facing severe shortages in medical supplies and treatments, with intellectual property rights hindering the timely provisioning of affordable medical products. To address this, India and South Africa have put in a proposal at the Council for Trade-Related Aspects of Intellectual Property Rights (TRIPS), under the World Trade Organisation (WTO), demanding a temporary waiver of certain TRIPS obligations on copyrights and related rights, industrial designs, patents, and the protection of undisclosed information in relation to the prevention, containment or treatment of Covid-19.

Most of the least developed and developing countries have supported these proposal in the TRIPS council, arguing for equitable and affordable access to medicines and medical products at least in these times of widespread catastrophe. The proposal has also got support from the World Health Organisation (WHO). However, it has been opposed by developed countries such as the US, the UK, Japan and even Brazil, on the grounds that such a move would hinder innovation and that there is no indication of intellectual property rights (IPRs) being a barrier to accessing Covid-19 related medicines and technologies.

Nothing can be farther from the truth! Over the last few months, countries have faced IP barriers in drugs, masks, ventilator valves and reagents for testing kits. Multiple patents have been filed for Covid-19 vaccines in development(https://msfaccess.org/sites/default/files/2020-10/COVID_Brief_ProposalWTOWaiver_ENG_2020.pdf ). Even the stockpiles of potential vaccines have been reportedly cornered by the rich countries.

 Unequal Access to Medical Products across Countries even in times of Global Crisis

More than nine months into the pandemic, the situation across the globe remains grim not only in terms of the spread and impact of the pandemic but also the availability of medical products. On the one hand global supply chains have broken down leading to supply shortages, on the other the demand has been increasing due to rising incidence of coronavirus. The Low and Middle Income Countries (LMICs) are the worst hit because the Covid-19 pandemic has not just been a public health crisis, it has been economically devastating as well. The national budgets of these countries are severely strained and most of them also lack the production capacity of the much needed medical products. It is unfortunate that in such dire times when the world is waiting for a vaccine we are witnessing (https://twn.my/title2/briefing_papers/twn/Inovio%20countersued%20IP-COVID%20Jul%202020%20Hammond.pdf) manufacturers relying on proprietary production techniques thereby potentially making vaccines more expensive and less available, large commitments of manufacturing capacity in 2021/2022 being sealed up in contracts, and rich countries locking down COVID-19 vaccine supplies through big money contracts(https://launchandscalefaster.org/covid-19).

Appropriating Public Funds for Private Profits

Public funding must cater to people’s needs rather than corporate greed. Ironically, out of the total funding of 96 million USD for research into Coronaviral diseases (including MERS, SARS) during 2016-18, the bulk 93% has been public funding, 6% by philanthropic organisations and less than 1% by the industry. If we look at the larger set of Emerging Infectious diseases, the proportion of public funding is 77% and that of industry 18% during 2014-18 (https://gfinderdata.policycuresresearch.org/) Even for the Covid-19 pandemic, it is largely public funds that have been committed by various governments. The big pharma, thus, uses public funds for R&D to garner private profits, taking advantage of the IPR regime without any concrete commitment to share the technologies and know how developed through public funding to scale up the production through non-originator manufactures.

Multilateral Trade Policy – Creating Monopoly Profits

Just as the TRIPS agreement was bulldozed on to the least developed and developing countries during the 1990s in the name of ‘free and fair’ trade regime, so are the developed countries arguing to protect the IPRs, which are in fact means for creation of monopoly profits. The big corporations and the rich countries were as hand in glove then as they are today. The trade policy regime has led to concentration of manufacture products in a few countries. As per a WTO report (https://www.wto.org/english/news_e/news20_e/rese_03apr20_e.pdf), Germany, the United States (US), and Switzerland supply 35% of world’s medical products; China, Germany and the US export 40% of personal protective products. Such concentration of production in times of huge global demand is bound to lead to profiteering and to deal with this is to decentralise production through local manufacturing. To do this, access to the whole range of technologies and strategies for manufacturing these products is required.

TRIPS flexibilities are insufficient

TRIPS flexibilities were included in the Doha Development Agenda in order to safeguard LMICs from the adverse impact of patent regime. However, it has been effective only on a few occasions because of arm-twisting tactics of the big pharma, operating in cahoots with the rich country governments through bilateral pressures on countries as also lobbying by the big pharma against generic drugs. Also, the rules for compulsory licensing apply only on a case-by-case and product-by-product basis, which slows down the ability of countries to scale up production. Even Article 31bis, a mechanism to supply countries with insufficient manufacturing capacity, is limited in its application. TRIPS obligations, furthering the IPR regime, would only exacerbate the crisis.

Global Solidarity – A Farce!

The WHO has got little support by pharma industry for its Covid-19 Technology Access Pool (C-TAP) initiative (https://www.who.int/emergencies/diseases/novel-coronavirus-2019/global-research-on-novel-coronavirus-2019-ncov/covid-19-technology-access-pool), aiming at voluntary contribution of IP, technologies and data to support global sharing and scale up of manufacturing and supply of COVID-19 health technologies. Voluntary cooperative approaches such as the COVAX are only a short term solution and only work towards maintaining the current business models of big pharma. The GAVI-CEPI initiative has refused to address the issue of patents and other intellectual property rights even on the issue of Covid-19 preferring to work with global pharma MNC’s on vaccine development and pooling philanthropic resources for the poorer countries. Such philanthro-capitalist measures only deepen the structural inequalities in global health architecture.

The need of the hour is to dismantle, or at least limit the IPR regime, which promotes profits for a few at the cost of lives of the people. With the world facing such unprecedented public health crisis, it is important that the TRIPS obligations are waived off, at least until the situation comes under control, as mentioned in the India-South Africa proposal. A collective global struggle is required towards ensuring that the interests of people are given precedence over profits and the greed of capital!

 

Fog over Covid-19 Vaccines in India: All-India Peoples Science Network (AIPSN) Position Paper

click here to see the English pdf of AIPSNPositionPaper-Vaccine-Politics16Dec2020

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Fog over Covid-19 Vaccines in India

All-India Peoples Science Network (AIPSN) Position Paper

16 Dec 2020

Many new developments have come about in recent weeks regarding Vaccines against Covid19 both internationally and in India. These have raised some optimism, but also several concerns about vaccine politics, undue commercial influence and other extraneous factors playing out around the world and, specifically, in India. This Position Paper focuses chiefly on India, within the global context, whereas international dimensions have been dealt with in a separate Statement and the Indian response to EUA for vaccines was highlighted in another Statement.

AIPSN calls for a science-based, equitable and rigorously conceived nation-wide policy in India for development, manufacture and deployment of vaccines in a free, universal vaccination strategy against Covid-19 as discussed below.

 

  1. Context and Status

Accelerated development and deployment of a safe and effective vaccine is crucial to combat the rampaging Covid-19 pandemic to protect individuals and enable full and safe re-opening of the economy and society. Access to free vaccination is essential for people’s right to life and health, since the disease has a significant burden of preventable morbidity or serious illness and mortality or deaths. Though the proportion of infected persons who get serious disease is low, in absolute numbers the number of persons who are at risk is unacceptably high. Free vaccination is also necessary since it is low-income working people who have paid the maximum social costs of the lock-down and disruption of the economy, and because vaccine development has mostly been done with public funds. At the same time, a nationwide vaccination programme is a challenge and raises crucial questions including with regard to the preparedness of the public health system in India to deliver this without compromising other essential health services.

Internationally, some leading vaccine candidates have, in recent weeks, declared high levels of efficacy or effectiveness based on preliminary results from on-going Phase-3 clinical trials. US-German Pfizer-BioNTech and US-based Moderna have both declared efficacy of above 90% for their two-dose  vaccines and applied for Emergency Use Authorization (EUA) in the US and Conditional Marketing Agreement (CMA) in EU. Both these vaccines are relatively expensive (at around USD 40 (Pfizer) and USD 70 (Moderna) for two doses) and, importantly, require very low temperature cold chains, adding to the costs and delivery challenges for India and other developing countries. At the time of writing, Pfizer has obtained a global first EUA in the UK and subsequently in Bahrain, Canada, and US.

UK-based Oxford University-Astra Zeneca, which is partnering with the world’s largest vaccine manufacture Pune-based Serum Institute of India (SII), for mass production of its vaccine, has claimed average 70% efficacy across different modes and 90% efficacy at specific dosages. This double-dose vaccine is expected to be relatively inexpensive at around USD 6 and, significantly, can be stored at ordinary refrigerator temperatures, making delivery easier in India and other developing countries. SII has publicly claimed that it would be supplying around 300 million doses for India by mid-2021.

Russia’s RDIF-Gamaleya Institute too has declared effectiveness of over 90% for its “experimental” Sputnik-V vaccine. The powdered version requires storage at refrigerator-like temperatures, while the liquid version has to be at -18 deg C. The vaccine is expected to cost about USD 20 for 2 doses. This vaccine is undergoing Phase-3 trials in different countries including India and is to be manufactured by Hetero Biopharma in Hyderabad.

China’s Sinovac is being deployed widely in China and also in Brazil, and is gearing up for global supply when regulatory approvals are obtained, with a price tag internationally of around USD 60 for two doses and also requiring only refrigerator-like temperatures. Again at the time of writing, another China-origin vaccine from Sinopharm has been declared by the UAE as having 86% efficacy in Phase-3 trials in that country where it had been given EUA in September for front-line workers, but data from the trials are still not public.

These developments represent a significant achievement for science and medical research, because these promising results, however limited and preliminary have been attained in less than a year from the outbreak of the Covid-19 disease compared to the normally expected several years for vaccine development.

However, detailed data related to all these vaccine trials have not yet been published or peer-reviewed, which would bring out additional and important information such as effectiveness in different age-groups and segments of the population, prevention or reduction of severe illness and deaths, prevention of transmission, duration of immunity or protection etc. These properties may vary for different vaccines and may influence choices for deployment. Other vaccine candidates too are at various stages of clinical trials, and may similarly also obtain EUA over the next 3-6 months.

Therefore, questions have already been raised about how scientific, rigorous or transparent these EUAs have been. Both “vaccine nationalism” and commercial interests are known to be deeply involved, apart from panic response by governments in the face of failures to control the pandemic, as evidenced by pronouncements of government spokespersons in many countries including in India. The sharp rise of concerned company values in stock markets could also be contributing to the haste in these announcements.

In India, several indigenously developed vaccine candidates have also come to the forefront in recent weeks. Leading candidates are from ICMR/NIV-Bharat Biotech in Hyderabad, Zydus Cadilla in Ahmadabad and Gennova in Pune. There are already undergoing, or soon to start, Phase-3 trials and are expected to become available in early to mid-2021. Some other promising indigenous candidates are a few months behind. The Gennova vaccine, co-developed with HDT Biotech of the US and supported through seed funding by Department of Biotechnology (DBT), which has also supported indigenous development of some other vaccines, has recently received approval to start Phase-1 and 2 clinical human trials in India. This vaccine is of particular importance for future scientific and medical research in India since it is the first indigenous development of an mRNA (messenger RNA) vaccine, using a technology that may also be very useful for new-generation pharmaceuticals for treatment of infectious diseases and cancers.

After the Prime Minister’s recent visits to and meetings with several of these companies to encourage them in their efforts, he is reported to have also instructed the regulatory agencies to facilitate the expedited approvals process. It is important that data from clinical trials for all these candidates are scientifically assessed without “vaccine nationalism,” pressure from political or commercial interests, cronyism or favoritism and also meet high standards of efficacy and safety, especially since high efficacy percentages have  been announced by  leading international candidates.

 

 

  1. Need for transparent, science-based trials and approvals

In this context, extraneous considerations do appear to be creating untoward interference in scientific processes involved in vaccine trials, assessments and expedited or emergency approvals with implications for deployment as well. There are indications, covered in the media and supported by several experts, that ongoing clinical trials for vaccine candidates are “designed to succeed” in several ways.

It may be recalled that the Director General, Indian Council for Medical Research (ICMR) had, earlier this year, written to all hospitals where clinical trials were underway demanding that they expedite results by 15th August this year, clearly to enable a grand announcement from the Red Fort. Fortunately, a massive outcry by scientists, medical professionals and civil society organizations brought about a retreat from this blatant attempt at pressurization. However, the danger remains in many ways.

Thresholds for efficacy or effectiveness (i.e. the percentage of infections the vaccine prevents), different aspects of efficacy as discussed earlier, as well as the sample size required for grant of EUA, may be lowered to enable vaccine candidates to more easily pass the test. While anxiety to roll-out an indigenous vaccine quickly through EUA is understandable for several reasons, it is crucial that clinical trials and assessments of results are, and continue to be, conducted transparently by scientific-medical Data Review Boards independent of political and bureaucratic influence, and results be made public and, when completed Phase-3 trials, be published and subject to peer review. This is essential to build global and domestic public confidence in Indian-origin vaccines.

In this context, it is a matter of considerable satisfaction that the Subject Expert Committee (SEC) of the Central Drugs Standards Control Organization (DSCCO), at its meeting on 9th December 2020, has kept pending its consideration on the applications for Emergency Use Authorization (EUA) of Covid-19 Vaccines by SII and Bharat Biotech, and has asked for additional information. The regulatory agency Drugs Controller General of India (DGCI) was to have decided on grant of EUA based on SEC’s recommendations. The SEC has, at least for now, rightly asserted its responsibility for scientific assessment of Covid vaccine candidates independent of political, bureaucratic or commercial interests.

The SEC decision has come against the background of considerable pressure from different levels of government, such as several recent public statements by the Health Secretary, Dr.V.K.Paul of Niti Aayog heading the National Task Force on Covid-19, and by DG ICMR. These officials pushed for a quick grant of EUA for these and other applicants, rather than respecting due process and scientific evaluation of data relating to safety and efficacy.

Urgency for approval and deployment of vaccines is no doubt important, but not at the cost of safety or potential impact in tackling the pandemic. More robust data would be available soon, providing opportunity to “hasten slowly”.  Self-reliance and encouraging indigenous research and manufacturing industry too are important, but sloppy or unscientific decision-making relating to public health will only damage the reputation of Indian science and regulatory processes, far outweighing any brownie points gained by rolling-out vaccination a few weeks early. Problematic EUA approval may also add to existing vaccine skepticism or hesitancy among the public.

The SEC and DCGI should therefore fearlessly conduct a thorough scientific assessment of available early data from Phase-3 trials in India or abroad, resisting pressure from different quarters. SEC/DCGI should also release the data based on which any recommendation is made so as to enhance transparency and secure the confidence of the scientific and medical community in India and internationally. This is especially crucial if India is to contribute to the global fight against the Covid-19 pandemic through its indigenously developed and manufactured vaccines. While granting EUA, it is also important to set up extensive surveillance of the vaccination programme, and to continue with rigorous Phase-III trials and peer review and publication of its data.

It must be also understood that, at this stage of development of different vaccines, it is not clear whether each vaccine is efficient at preventing infection, as distinct from preventing serious disease or mortality. It is also important to know whether infection can spread from persons administered specific vaccines, and the duration for which each vaccine protects persons. These specificities need to be taken into account for decisions on deployment. These unknowns at the present stage and the need to find answers them underline the necessity for continuation of clinical trials involving the larger numbers of enrolled volunteers, extensive post-vaccination surveillance and, importantly, continuing with all other public health measures of disease prevention and epidemic management.

 

The reputation of India’s science, vaccine manufacturing industry and regulatory institutions depends heavily on such unbiased, rigorous and science-based assessments, since India could potentially emerge, now or in the future, as a major exporter of low-cost indigenously developed vaccines especially to other developing countries.

 

  1. Free and Transparent Vaccine deployment strategy

Ruling parties in different States are making promises of free vaccines to all, especially in the run-up to State elections. The nation needs a science-based and nationwide policy on vaccine deployment to be implemented by States with additional measures if desired, keeping in mind, the phased availability of different vaccines. The National Task Force on Covid-19 headed by Dr.V.K.Paul of Niti Aayog recently announced a prioritization roadmap proposing to initially vaccinate health care workers, other frontline workers, security personnel and those above 50 years of age and persons with co-morbidities, amounting to an estimated 300 million persons, starting perhaps in March 2021.

A clear, well reasoned and long term vaccination roadmap is required, especially keeping in mind the different indigenous vaccines set to obtain regulatory approval in the near future.  The policy needs to more definitively identify those included in the category of “frontline workers,” how senior citizens and those with co-morbidities would be enumerated, address phase-wise coverage of the rest of the population especially children and young adults not mentioned so far but whose immunization against Covid is necessary for early and much-needed resumption of safe and regular in-person education. It is also important to specify which categories of the population, such as infants or the elderly, would be immunized using which vaccine, depending on the efficacy characteristics of available vaccines.

The Prime Minister in his televised address to the nation on October 20 assured that the government seeks to ensure “delivery of the vaccine to every citizen.” However, the Health Secretary in the presence of DG ICMR stated categorically that the government has never committed to universal vaccination which was in fact not necessary since  the need is only to break the chain of transmission and obtain ‘herd immunity,’ and therefore the government may not vaccinate the entire population. It would, however, be extremely difficult to decide which sections to leave out of the vaccination programme and explain such a decision, since this would raise serious apprehensions of discrimination or injustice on different grounds.

Further, although achieving a threshold level of herd immunity (loosely estimated at 60% of the population) could prevent epidemic spread, the disease would still remain endemic in the country especially in population sub-groups, with significant numbers developing the disease and more limited outbreaks continuing in different parts of the country. Similar phenomena are seen in diseases like measles and diphtheria. The more skewed the demographic characteristics of the persons immunized, the less would be the braking effect of herd immunity.

In the Indian context, equity as a value and principle demands that those least able to practice social distancing, because of working and living conditions, need it most. All things considered universal vaccination may be the best option to prevent arbitrariness, real or perceived discrimination and emergence of a black market, besides enabling more robust and sustainable disease control.

A danger is that many Vaccine manufacturers in India and other corporate interests are already lobbying for the Government to allow delivery of vaccines by the private health sector at market prices to those who can afford to pay, as was done in Covid Tests and Hospital charges. Such a vaccine deployment strategy would, however, completely undermine equity and divert precious vaccine doses to privileged paying sections away from the vast poor underprivileged masses, and would also distort government procurement and equitable vaccination.

It is therefore essential that the Government of India announces a clear and transparent vaccination programme including a categorical and binding commitment to a programme of free universal vaccination with a fair and transparent policy of phase-wise prioritization for different segments of the population so as to ensure access to most vulnerable segments and marginalized sections.

 

  1. Obstacles to domestic manufacturing and deployment

            There is much confusion regarding the Indian government’s participation in COVAX, the newly created global institution under the Global Vaccine Initiative (GAVI) and WHO. COVAX is funded by donor countries, corporate philanthropy notably the Gates Foundation and Wellcome Trust, as well as the 10% down payment from self-funded participating countries. COVAX has provided financing to different vaccine developers and manufacturers in exchange for a proportion of vaccines produced, all through confidential agreements. COVAX also has agreements with participating countries to provide upto 20% of their vaccine requirement, for the duration of the agreement period which is now only till end-2021, with special arrangements for lower income countries. On the other hand, rich countries with 13% of the world’s population have already purchased over 50% of the world’s scheduled vaccine production and many other such bilateral agreements have been signed.

In this context, several Indian vaccine manufacturers who have agreements to manufacture leading vaccines developed elsewhere, would be bound by confidential agreements made with COVAX and also with their corporate partners as regards prices and supply schedules. Voluntary licenses granted by vaccine developers to Indian manufacturers prevent the latter from transferring the technology to other Indian companies or from exporting to countries not covered by COVAX.  It would therefore be difficult for Indian vaccine manufacturers to scale-up vaccine production and supply to the levels required by India.

Government of India needs to work out how to overcome this problem. It is recommended that any agreements India signs with COVAX should be within an improved framework and its governance made more multilateral and democratic with a greater role for WHO, and removal of corporate influence. Government should also make public to the Indian people the terms and conditions of agreements with COVAX.

The government should urgently evolve and implement measures for scaling up manufacture of the most appropriate vaccines for our needs, through support to existing  manufacturing units in private sector to expand their capacity and by encouraging public sector manufacture in this area irrespective of the vaccine being indigenously developed or licensed from international pharmaceuticals.

 

  1. Strengthen the public health system

Finally it should be emphasized that the vaccination programme will require massive strengthening and mobilization of the public health system in India including for follow-up, monitoring of side-effects and efficacy. The capacity of current cold chain infrastructure is only about 50% of what is required even for the existing package of immunization. The human resources gaps are also huge. Procuring, storing and distributing and administering vaccines to close to 800 million more persons, even if phased is going to require considerable expansion of cold chains equipment, infrastructure, refrigerated transport vehicles, and  skilled human resources at the field level.

Therefore any plan for vaccine deployment, must also make a firm and quantified commitment to increased financing of the public health system. In the absence of such a commitment, the vaccination programme will suffer and other essential health services including child immunization would also be undermined by large scale diversion of existing public health resources.

 

  1. AIPSN Demands

The Government of India needs to urgently undertake the following so as to ensure a safe, effective and free universal vaccination programme against Covid-19:

  1. Scrupulously monitor Phase-3 clinical trials for all indigenously developed vaccines and, after robust and independent scientific assessment of efficacy with peer review of trial results, grant Emergency Use Authorization within a definitive deadline within which such approvals can be applied for;
  2. Rapidly scale up manufacturing capacity by recruiting and re-tooling both public sector as well as private sector manufacturing units for both internationally and indigenously developed vaccines;
  3. Ensure transparency of agreements that Indian manufacturers have signed or may sign with COVAX/GAVI and Corporates. These may require further arrangements for systematic transfer of technology from international vaccine developers to Indian manufacturers to enable effective and rapid scaling-up manufacture and deployment in India;
  4. Make public the basis of approval, including evidence reviewed, provide details of the protocol, process and timelines followed in investigating any reported severe adverse events (SAEs);
  5. Make public the Government’s stand on indemnifying vaccine manufacturers;
  6. Actively advocate and lobby for declaration of all vaccines developed worldwide as global public goods and, if patents remain an obstacle, take steps to use compulsory licensing if necessary;
  7. Bring out a white paper on the system and related costs for vaccine procurement and delivery, along with details of the expansion of public health infrastructure and human resources that would go with it;
  8. Set up a Parliamentary Committee to oversee the implementation of the Covid-19 Vaccination programme in an effective, timely and equitable manner and a broad based Advisory Committee including representation of the scientific community and civil society organizations.

 

For clarifications contact:

P.Rajamanickam 9442915101;T.Sundararaman 99874388253;D. Raghunandan 9810098621

Statement On Scientific, Independent and Transparent Process for Emergency Use Authorization (EUA) of anti-Covid Vaccines in India

 

click here to see pdf of All India Peoples Science Network (AIPSN) Statement 

On Scientific, Independent and Transparent Process for

Emergency Use Authorization (EUA) of anti-Covid Vaccines in India

 

AIPSN expresses satisfaction that the Subject Expert Committee (SEC) of the Central Drugs Standards Control Organization (DSCCO), at its meeting on 9th December 2020, has kept pending any recommendations on applications for Emergency Use Authorization (EUA) of Covid-19 Vaccines by Serum Institute of India (SII) manufacturing the Oxford Astra Zeneca vaccine of the UK, and by Bharat Biotech making the indigenously developed ICMR/NIV vaccine. The SEC sought additional data from SII relating to its Phase-III trials in India and the pending regulatory approval process in the UK. In the case of Bharat Biotech, the SEC said it would proceed only after reviewing data from its on-going Phase-3 trials in India, whereas it had submitted only Phase-I/II data.  The regulatory agency Drugs Controller General of India (DGCI) was to have decided on grant of EUA based on the recommendations of the SEC. The SEC, at least for now, has rightly asserted its role regarding scientific assessment of vaccine candidates independent of political, bureaucratic or commercial interests.

The SEC decision has come against the context of several recent public statements by the Health Secretary, Dr.V.K.Paul of Niti Aayog heading the National Task Force, and by DG ICMR pushing for a quick grant of EUA for these and other applicants, rather than respecting due process and sientific evaluation of data relating to safety and efficacy. DG ICMR in particular sought to undermine the importance of Phase-III trials data and suggested that some vague “cost-benefit assessment” would instead suffice for granting EUA, ignoring the obvious conflict of interest since one of the candidates has indeed been developed by an IMR laboratory!

The urgency for approval and deployment of vaccines is no doubt of importance, but not at the cost of safety or potential impact in reducing infection, transmission and severe illness or mortality. Robust data enabling a more scientific and considered decision based on Phase-3 trials data, whether from India or abroad, is likely to become available in a few weeks in any case. With the national case load on a declining trend, there is opportunity to hasten slowly as WHO recommends.  Self-reliance and encouraging indigenous research and manufacturing industry are undoubtedly important, but sloppy or unscientific decision-making relating to public health will only damage the reputation of Indian science and regulatory processes, far outweighing any brownie points gained by rolling-out of a vaccination programme a few weeks early, but which may later turn out to be problematic. Rolling out a vaccine without a proper appraisal of safety and efficacy may also lead to a backlash, adding to existing vaccine skepticism or hesitancy.

AIPSN therefore calls upon the SEC and DCGI to fearlessly conduct a thorough scientific assessment of available early data from Phase-3 trials in India or abroad independent of political, bureaucratic and commercial interests in deciding upon EUA for different vaccine candidates. AIPSN further calls for releasing the data based on which any recommendation is made in the interests of transparency, gain confidence of the scientific and medical community in India and internationally, and so as to allay any fears about safety and efficacy of vaccines to be rolled out. This is especially crucial if India is to contribute to the global fight against the Covid-19 pandemic through its indigenously developed vaccines. While granting EUA, it is also important to set up extensive surveillance of the vaccination programme, and to continue with rigorous Phase-III trials and peer review and publication of its data.

For clarifications contact:

  1. Rajamanickam 9442915101 T. Sundararaman 99874388253  D. Raghunandan  9810098621

Press Note protesting attempt to rename RCGB in unscientific manner

Click here for pdf of press release

All india People’s Science Network

Central Secretariat: O/O Tamil Nadu Science Forum, 6, Kakkathoppu Street, Madurai-1 

——————————————

Press note: To The editor for the publication in the esteemed media.

It is learnt that Govt of india has decided to name  the second campus in the name of the RSS founder and ideologue Golwalkar within the campus of existing Rajiv Gandhi Centre for Biotechnology(RGCB) , Trivandram. It is highly condemnable changing the name of a modern research institute in the name of a person who was against the modern technology calling it as western technology. 

More over the  decentants of Golwalkar had been advocating pseudo sciences calling the birth of 100 Kauravs through  stem cell technology and the birth of Karna as in vitro fertilisation technology . Let not this centre become a pseudoscience centre of research and technology.

It is  like changing the name of ancient city names which were founded by Islamic rulers as per your wishes promoting hindutva ideology  and jingoism. These are research and development institutes and centres founded on the basis of scientific development. 

We also Urge the Central Government to respect the opinion of Kerala Government and main opposition Party and sentiment of the people of the State.

Hence we urge the Govt of india not to change the existing name of the RGCB for the second campus. If there is a need from the administration point of view, it could be that of a reputed scientist in the field of biotechnology.

P.Rajamanickam

General Secretary, 

9442915101

Feedback submitted to MoHFW on draft Health Data Management Policy (HDMP) -with related aspects of the National Digital Health Mission (NDHM)

Click here to see the pdf of the submission AIPSN2MoHFW-on-NDHMDataPolicy2020unsd

ALL INDIA PEOPLE’s SCIENCE NETWORK (AIPSN)

Regd. No. PKD/CA/62/2020.

AIPSN Central Secretariat,                                                    E-mail: gsaipsn@gmail.com

o/o Tamil Nadu Science Forum                                              Ph: 094429 15101

6, Kakkathoppu Street, MUTA Building,                              Twitter: @gsaipsn

Madurai-625 001-Tamil Nadu                                                website: https://aipsn.net

 

President:                               General Secretary:                                        Treasurer:

Dr. S.Chatterjee                    Prof. P.Rajamanickam                                 Dr.S.Krishnaswamy

                                                                                                                                    19.9.2020

To

Feedback on NDHM policies

National Health Authority

Ministry of Health and Family Welfare

9th Floor, Tower-l, Jeevan Bharati Building, Connaught Place,

New Delhi – 110 001

e-mail address: ndhm@nha.gov.in

 

Sir,

Sub: Comments and feedback on NDHM policies

Ref: Draft Health Data Management Policy

https://ndhm.gov.in/stakeholder_consultations/ndhm_policies

 

Following the extension of the notice period for draft Health Data Management Policy till 21st September, we offer the following response to draft Health Data Management Policy (HDMP)

-with related aspects of the National Digital Health Mission (NDHM) for your consideration and also insist that the responses received and discussions be placed transparently in a public accessible website.

Do acknowledge receipt of this response.

Thanking you in anticipation and with regards

 

Yours sincerely

P.Rajamanickam

General Secretary, AIPSN

 A Network of 40 People’s Science Movements working in 25 states

 

————————————-

Response to draft Health Data Management Policy (HDMP)

-with related aspects of the National Digital Health Mission (NDHM)

 

 

  1. Extend the date for comments:

The period given for public responses to the Draft HDMP has been extremely short, making any intensive and detailed consultation with different stakeholders especially under constraints of Covid-related restrictions virtually impossible. The All India Peoples Science Network (AIPSN), arguably the largest civil society organization in science and technology, at the outset calls for an extension of the last date for comments at least to end of November, 2020 if not later. Further, Draft HDMP cannot be discussed in isolation, without also discussing the National Digital Health Mission (NDHM) announced by the PM as late as 15th August this year and the Personal Data Protection Bill (PDPB) 2019 which is still under discussion in Parliament.  The current effort seeks to rush through a number of policies without due consultations with States, health providers or specialized digital health experts. The lack of such consultation shows up in many weaknesses and inconsistencies in the draft HDMP which require much deeper debate. Nevertheless, AIPSN offers some preliminary comments within the current deadline of 21st September 2020. If MoHFW extends the last date, AIPSN may submit a fresh and more detailed Response.

 

  1. Discuss only along with National Digital Health Mission:

AIPSN notes that the HDMP is a subset of the NDHM, documents related to which became available barely two weeks ago. Public comments and discussion of the HDMP should include a discussion on the NDHM which itself has several serious flaws with direct impact on HDMP.  There are also significant areas where these two policy documents are not aligned, notably with respect to PDPB and many key features and assurances.

 

  1. Discuss only along with Personal Data Protection Bill 2019:

It is shocking that the HDMP makes no mention of the Personal Data Protection Bill 2019 currently before Parliament. It is simply not possible to discuss, leave alone adopt, a policy dealing with health data of citizens without adequate safeguards for such data which is the very subject of that Bill. It is essential that HDMP be discussed and adopted only after adoption of the PDPB. Government should also be interested in avoiding any impression that the HDMP seeks to evade or circumvent provisions of that Bill.

 

  1. Unaccountable and arbitrary governance by the Executive:

The HDMP section on governance needs to be rejected outright and comprehensively re-written.  In its current formulation (Section 6, p.6), HDMP would be governed by structures and rules created from time to time by the National Health Authority (NHA). The NHA, despite its name, has not been created through an Act of Parliament unlike the National Highways Authority or Telecom Regulatory Authority. It was created as the National Health Agency in 2017 for the sole purpose of managing the PM Jan Arogya Yojana (PM-JAY), and later declared an “authority” by a Cabinet order and placed under Niti Aayog. Thus HDMP governance now stands to be an executive or departmental function, each policy or action is subject to change at any time by executive order, and rights described in HDMP would not be legally enforceable by citizens. The Aadhar experience has shown how a policy that began with assurances of voluntary participation gradually became a mandatory requirement by a series of executive orders. Further, NHA creates a government appointed Data Protection Officer who will have wide ranging and ambiguous powers. In the HDMP, both the Ministry of Health & Family Welfare (MoHFW) and Ministry of Electronics & Information Technology (MEIT) are marginalized, and therefore so is all parliamentary scrutiny. However, the NDHM policy document visualizes the legal and regulatory framework as part of the functions of MoHFW and MEIT, and not of the NHA. The NDHM also has a Mission Steering Group and Empowered Committee which are not mentioned in HDMP. The governance provisions of HDMP also do not match those proposed in the Personal Data Protection Bill which calls for a separate legally mandated Data Authority, with which the NDHM document in turn promises to align. Clearly, the governance structures and mechanisms of HDMP are arbitrary, unaccountable and subject to executive whims, not aligned with either NDHM or PDPB, and hence completely unacceptable.

 

  1. Need for Legislation:

It is necessary that the National Health Authority and its mandate to manage the NDHM and the HDMP should be secured in appropriate legislation passed by Parliament after the Personal Data Protection Bill is enacted.

 

  1. Not fit for purpose:

Another major issue with governance of HDMP, and of NDHM, is that the “fit for purpose” of all the digital health data collected and processed, and how these relate to the broader health ecosystem, are inadequately addressed. Health data digitization and management is viewed in HDMP as a stand-alone purpose, which may serve the interests of the telecom, data, corporate health and insurance industries, but it is not clear how this will enable  better access to, or quality of, public health services, or how this would improve health outcomes for citizens with dignity and privacy.

 

  1. HDMP focus is individual data not public health informatics:

Flowing from this, HDMP engages only with personal health data records in its objectives (Section 3, p.2). There is no objective relating to disease prevalence, infection control (even at the time of a huge pandemic), morbidity and mortality estimates, or expenditure on healthcare etc. Thus the entire exercise is focused only on individual case management as is applicable to an insurance company or health management organization. The NDHM strategy document does mention public health outcomes, but predominant focus is still on individual health data, which may have salience for pharma and insurance companies or health management institutions, but not on informatics for public health. Information of public health importance could theoretically flow out of individual digital health records, but experience in India shows that this does not reflect reality due to a number of structural barriers. Such data collection, processing and linkage with a public health system requires very high levels of investment and technical capability in the Indian environment of highly atomized and often non-institutional health care encounters.  For most of India’s population, the absence of a digital health data file which contains, to quote the PM’s Independence Day speech, “details of every test, every disease, the doctors you visited, the medicines you took and the diagnosis,” is not the critical problem. Getting a proper and affordable consultation in a public health facility, being able to pay for medicines prescribed, getting a bed in an affordable facility, these are day-to-day challenges. Once again, the public health utility of the proposed digital health data system, and the huge amount of funds required for it, are highly questionable.

 

  1. Illusory power of data principals:

HDMP’s framework on consent of individuals (data principals) regarding their personal health data (Section 3) contains assurances that cannot be taken seriously. For example, it is stated that “data principals would have complete control and decision-making power over the manner in which personal or sensitive personal data associated with them is collected and processed further.” However, given the high levels of information asymmetry (i.e. that there is a big gap in knowledge between citizens and data professionals about health data, their uses and implications for patient confidentiality) even most educated middle class persons would not be able to exercise such control. Further, persons seeking healthcare have high vulnerability, would be in no position to bargain over their data rights, nor would it be possible even for those collecting data to inform them adequately of such rights.  Contradicting itself in a later section, the right of data principals to erase their health data is so highly restricted and so conditional in HDMP that, in practical terms, there is a total loss of control over one’s data.

 

  1. No need for unique health ID with problematic scope:

The need to create a unique health ID and the scope of such a health ID, as prescribed in HDMP are both highly problematic. Although a bland assurance is given that lack of this Health ID cannot be a basis for denial of healthcare, this assurance is far from convincing, given past experience with Aadhar and the Aarogya Setu App. An ID is made essential for all heath care users, health providers, professionals, facilities and data operators to be part of the scheme. And once insurance schemes and healthcare providers move to this platform, all access to publicly financed healthcare would become inaccessible without such a platform and ID. When the current standards of practice are that patients with life-threatening illnesses are being denied treatment due to the lack of an Aadhar card, it would be foolish to believe that this ID will not be mandatory in one form or another. The stated uses of a unique health ID, like portability of personal health information, can just as easily be achieved with any of the many existing IDs. It is to be noted that the NDHM strategy document also clearly states that “all government health programmes… are required to integrate with the service and issue Health IDs as part of their programs. This will ensure that health information from visit to public health facilities and those being captured across various health programs like RCH, NIKSHAY, NCD, PMJAY will be included in the patients’ longitudinal health record.” This clearly shows that the Health IDs are meant to be system-wide and compulsory in practice.

 

  1. IT System(s) problems:

It is common these days to see considerable enthusiasm in government programmes for digital data and IT data processing and management systems, almost as if by their mere introduction, they would provide a panacea to solving all our problems! Unfortunately, there is little attempt to critically review or reflect upon the rather mixed experience so far. In this light, while it is welcome that HDMP talks of open source software and open standards, it does not reflect on the sobering fact that these have been MEIT policy for two decades now, and yet India is no closer to its realization. The HDMP itself calls for compliance with standards like Snomed-CT which, irrespective of merits, is not open standard at all, and is closely wedded to healthcare digitization practices in the US. Similarly, while there is much brave talk of inter-operability and federated structures, there is little understanding or discussion of why India currently has dozens of parallel IT systems in the Centre and in the States. Most of these IT systems are sub-functional or dysfunctional, completely unable to talk to each other, and often have vendor lock-ins which has been a roadblock to future development. Neither the NDHM strategy nor the HDMP show awareness of these and other risks including, for example, the marketing practices of private sector vendors, or the duplication and fragmentation of data.

 

  1. No Penalties, weak grievance redressal:

There is no clarity in HDMP or NDHM as to what penalties would be incurred or compensation provided if and when citizens’ rights are violated, or how violations can be traced. The accountability of data management firms provided for is essentially that they would be de-empanelled, but this would not be easy, when they hold health records of a large proportion of the population. The grievance redressal mechanisms in HDMP are also extremely weak.

 

  1. Dangers of State Surveillance and growing authoritarianism:

There is growing danger in India from the increasing resort to gathering and storing of citizens’ data through various means, including through often mandatory digitization of citizens’ access to government services, all in the name of either greater efficiency of service delivery or national security. The extreme centralization of such data and the lack of transparency and accountability regarding use of this data especially by security agencies have heightened fears of enhanced and dangerous state surveillance of civic life, especially in the context of growing authoritarian trends in the country. So, even though the Health ID and personal health data are not really a priority or even irrelevant for public health needs as discussed above, they can be used for surveillance purposes. The repeated assertion in the NDHM Strategy that all registries and other master databases of NDHM will be built as “Single Source of Truth” on different aspects and backed by strong data governance is a matter of great concern. Countries with longer and arguably stronger liberal traditions have consciously insisted on multiple sources of identity and information, precisely in order to protect citizens from capture of knowledge by centralized executive power. Conversely, erasure of data from a centralized data base could lead to a total destruction of all identity, entitlements and rights. These anxieties require to be addressed.

 

  1. Opening pathways to corporate Profits:

HDMP enables and enhances corporate profits in five significant ways:

  1. immediate beneficiaries are IT companies who would get large new lucrative contracts.
  2. IT industry in general also benefits through data mining and commercialization of personal and aggregate health data.
  • digital health care corporates such as e-pharmacies, related e-retailers, e-consultations and prescriptions, e-diagnostics would benefit by obtaining increasing share of retail healthcare.
  1. insurance companies would benefit enormously by obtaining personal health information, targeting consumers of insurance products, and adjusting premiums, etc.
  2. perhaps the main danger is the space and opportunity opened up in India for multinational health management organizations and healthcare corporates to penetrate the Indian healthcare industry. There is already a fairly high flow of FDI into the hospital and insurance sector following gradual and diminishing controls. NDHM and HDMP now enable corporate penetration into the primary and secondary healthcare segment, and that too in Tier-2 and Tier-3 towns and cities by a process of aggregation and consolidation of small-scale providers on one hand, and increasing restriction of public providers to residual health care on the other. In other words, public providers would be limited to providing care only for those disease conditions and those people that the private sector is not interested in.

 

 

For clarifications contact:

  1. Rajamanickam 9442915101 T. Sundararaman 99874388253  D. Raghunandan  9810098621