Urgently Expand Public and Private Sector Production along with related R&D to meet India’s Vaccine Requirements: AIPSN Statement endorsed by Scientists, Academics, Doctors

All India Peoples’ Science network (AIPSN)

27 May 2021

 click here to see the pdf with endorsements received till 31May 

click here to see the letters in EPW Vol. 56, Issue No. 23, 05 Jun, 2021 carrying the endorsement

Urgently Expand Public and Private Sector Production along with related R&D

to meet India’s Vaccine Requirements

 Need for New Strategies

With the present Indian population of over 130 crores, the number of vaccines required to immunise the entire population would be about 310 crore doses (3.1 billion doses)  or 218.5 crore doses for the 18+ adult population, allowing about 15% process losses. This is not an easy task.  However,  the Indian people need to know why India, a pioneer in large-scale vaccine production even before the current pandemic and a major exporter of vaccines, has to rely on just two private domestic manufacturers, Serum Institute of India (SII) and Bharat Biotech, to produce Covid-19 vaccines, a constraint that is painfully obvious today.

India, now, has a number of public and private sector units that can make a contribution to the expansion of local production of vaccines. Presently two vaccines namely COVISHIELD of Serum Research Institute (SII), Pune and COVAXIN of Bharat Biotech (BB), Hyderabad are available for supply in India. Technology for COVAXIN is fully home grown, through collaboration between BB and the National Institute of Virology (NIV), a public sector R&D institute under the Indian Council of Medical Research (ICMR), itself an agency of the Ministry of Health and Family Welfare. The central government is therefore entitled to make use of march-in-rights available to supporting government entities, as tacitly accepted by BB in extending technology transfer to 3 public-sector vaccine Units.

Up to the 2000s, 80% of India’s vaccines for the Universal Immunization Programme were sourced from the public sector. Today, 90% are sourced from the private sector, that too at a higher cost. Brazil, Cuba and China are using public sector companies and institutes to undertake integrated R&D and production operations to vaccinate their populations and export to developing countries to meet their requirements. In contrast, India has neglected its public sector units. India has a large number of a few decades old facilities as well as new facilities equipped with appropriate modern infrastructure. The central and state governments should be making full use of all these facilities to expand local production of COVID vaccines.  Presently India has eleven public sector units. Some are almost ready to go into production. The government has taken some initial steps in the direction of using a few selected units. Integrated Vaccine Complex at Chengalpattu, whose construction was completed as recently as 2016, needs just one hundred crores and some handholding to start the domestic production of COVID vaccines.

There are a number of private sector units which can also contribute to the domestic production of COVID vaccines, , such as Biological E.,  Hyderabad, Panacea Biotech,  Solan etc. In addition to vaccine manufacturing companies, there are also companies that manufacture biologics that have the capacity to be repurposed for manufacture of vaccines. Already, Dr. Reddy’s Lab and at least five biologics have teamed up with Russia to procure the Sputnik-V Vaccines in the country. In all, there are close to thirty units which can be involved in the production of COVID vaccines. Such expanded manufacture in India would enable meeting domestic requirements as well as international obligations to which India, in particular SII, is committed having also accepted advance payments. Procurement of already approved vaccines from abroad by private sector units is also an option.

While the private sector is itself getting ample albeit highly belated funding from the government, the public sector is still not getting requisite support. Only recently some relatively small government grants have been given for manufacture of Covaxin under license to state owned companies such as Indian Immunologicals Ltd. Hyderabad, Bharat Immunologicals and Biologicals Corporation Ltd, Bulandhshahar, to and Haffkine Institute, a Maharashtra state PSU as called for by its Chief Minister. SII cannot by itself transfer technologies since it is itself making Covishield under license from AstraZeneca, it can certainly be nudged to sub-contract work to other Units. Both SII and Bharat Biotech could be appropriately persuaded to handhold these other units as one way of paying back their own long-standing obligations to the public sector and the Indian state.

Specific suggestions for the government to announce a policy to urgently ramp up domestic production of vaccines and improve related R&D are as follows:

  1. The existing public sector undertakings and state owned enterprises be revived and assisted to ramp up vaccine production.
  2. The use of the Integrated Vaccine Complex at Chengalpattu be handed over to TamilNadu Government with clear provisions allowing the state governments, public sector undertakings and state owned enterprises for contractual manufacturing of Covid vaccines using the facility.
  3. Compulsory licenses or appropriate legislation be issued where required to enable interested parties for production of COVID 19 vaccines.
  4. The conventionally used march-in-rights available to the Govt of India/ICMR be used to ensure technology transfer and handholding by Bharat Biotech to PSUs, SOEs and other Units to enable them produce vaccines for domestic use.
  5. Indian companies that are planning to manufacture Sputnik V be assisted, as required, for scaling up.
  6. SII, AstraZeneca and Novavax be persuaded to expand manufacturing in India through joint ventures or other collaborations with suitable public and private sector entities both for domestic use and export especially for the Covax facility.
  7. Research on new vaccine development strategies and development of multiple vaccines be enabled and encouraged across research laboratories, public sector and private sector institutions. Genomic surveillance be increased appreciably and linked to viral efficacy and epidemiological studies, so that vaccines are constantly checked for efficacy against variants of concern enabling collaborative modification across manufacturers, as required, especially in view of emerging variants and for different demographics such as children.

We the following scientists, academicians, doctors endorse the above statement:

(endorsements received till 31 May 2021)

1         Gagandeep Kang Professor
2         Shahid Jameel Director, Trivedi School of Biosciences, Ashoka University
3         T. Sundararaman Global Coordinator, Peoples Health Movement
4         Satyajit Rath Visiting Faculty, IISER Pune
5         Vineeta Bal Staff Scientist (Retired), National Institute of Immunology, New Delhi
6         T R Govindarajan Professor (Retd) IMSc
7         Tejinder Pal Singh Professor, Tata Institute of Fundamental Research
8         LS Shashidhara Professor
9         Gautam Menon Professor,  Ashoka University
10     Madan Rao Professor, NCBS, Bangalore
11     Partha Majumder National Science Chair, Natl Inst of Biomedical Genomics
12     Sorab Dalal Academic
13     John Kurien Azim Premji University
14     Sheena Jain Former Pofessor Jamia Millia University
15     R Ramanujam Institute of Mathematical Sciences, Chennai
16     Ram Ramaswamy Visiting Professor, IIT Delhi
17     Imrana Qadeer retired Professor (Public Health)
18     G Rajasekaran Professor Emeritus
19     N. Mani Professor and Head Department of Economics Erode Arts and Science College Erode Tamil Nadu
20     D.Raghunandan Delhi Science Forum
21     Ponniah Rajamanickam Rtd. Associate Professor & AIPSN
22     B.Parthasarathy General Secretary– All India Federation of Retired University and College Teachers’ Organisations
23     Y. Srinivas Rao Associate professor
24     A.P.Balachandran Syracuse University
25     H. Shakila Professor and Head
26     TS Ganesan Professor Medical Oncology
27     Mundur V N Murthy Professor (Retd), The Institute of Mathematical Sciences, Chennai
28     R Shankar Honorary Professor, IMSc
29     Usha Ramakrishnan Retired professor, ex MKU
30     Reeteka Sud NIMHANS
31     Ramesh Singh Sheoran Convenor, Gurgaon water forum
32     Surinder Kumar Professor
33     Dhruv Raina JNU
34     Kesab Bhattacharya Professor
35     Rakesh Prasad Founder BallotboxIndia.com, Director Gnovations Technologies Pvt. Ltd.
36     Thirunavukkarasu Asst.professor of microbiology
37     Surendra Ghaskadbi Biologist
38     G Velmurugan Scientist, KMCH Research Foundation, Coimbatore
39     Saumyen Guha Professor, IIT Kanpur
40     RAMAN KUMAR RANA Biochemist
41     Ramasundaram.S Associate Prof, Unit Secretary, Tamil Nadu Science Forum, Madurai
42     Chitra.N Associate Professor of Microbiology
43     V. Makeshkumar Technical Lead – Regulatory Affairs, Engineering Research and Development (R & D) Services
44     Prabir Purkayastha President, Free Software Movement
45     K K Natarajan Retired Professor
46     S. Krishnaswamy Retd Senior Professor, ex Madurai Kamaraj University
47     K V Subrahmanyam Professor, Chennai Mathematical Institute
48     R Geeta Retired from University of Delhi
49     GK Marita Professor in Physiology ,GSL Medical College Rajahmundry Andhra
50     Sadasivam, K Associate Professor
51     Sitabhra Sinha Professor, The Institute of Mathematical Sciences, Chennai
52     Venkatesh Raman Professor, IMSc Chennai
53     Dev Desai ANHAD
54     Soma Marla Principal scientist, Genomics division ICAR NBPGR New Delhi
55     V.RAVI Associate professor, government arts college for men, krishnagiri
56     K.Durga Principal Scientist,  Genetics, ICAR IARI, New Delhi
57     S.R. Venkateswaran Orthopedic surgeon
58     Ranbir singh dahiya President haryana gyan vigyan samiti haryana
59     Sellan M Associate professor
60     Senthamil selvan state Ec member, Tamil nadu Science Forum
61     Kanagarajan Vice-president
62     R. Vivekaanandhan Professor (rtd.)
63     D. Narasimhan Associate Professor (Retd.)
64     R. Kavitha Assistant professor & Head
65     SHANMUGAM N Assistant Professor
66     R chandran Principal
67     G.Suresh kumar Associate Professor and MUTA
68     Shanmugam Veeramani  Assistant professor
69     Ravisankar Retired professor of Buisiness Administration
70     J.Kalyana sundari Retired deputy director of agriculture
71     Rajendra Prasad Former Advisor & Head, International Scientific Affairs, CSIR, New Delhi
72     S.Saraniya Medical doctor
73     Sunita Sheel Bandewar Exe Director, Health, Ethics and Law Institute of FMES
74     Ashok Pandey Public Health Research Society Nepal
75     S.Chatterjee Scientist (Retd) , Formerly, Indian Institute of Astrophysics
76     Aurnab Ghose Academic
77     SUJOY CHAKRABORTY Senior Science Journalist. ABP Digital Media
78     Ravinder Banyal Scientist
79     Amit Kumar Mandal Assistant Professor, Raiganj University
80     Chandan K Sen Distinguished Professor & Director
81     Prabir KC Independent Health Consultant
82     R.Chandramohan RETD Principal
83     Sudha N Independent Researcher & Activist
84     Arup Kumar Chattopadhyay Professor of Economics, University of Burdwan
85     Mahalaya Chatterjee Professor, Calcutta University
86     Aniruddha Pramanik Professor, Bidhan Chandra Krishi Viswavidyalaya
87     Sedhu Bharath. S Dentist
88     Birat Raja padhan Pruthibi science club
89     Amit Misra Chief Scientist, CSIR-Central Drug Research Institute
90     S Janakarajan Professor
91     Samuel Asir Raj Professor, Manonmaniam Sundaranar University, Tirunelveli
92     Hasham Shafi Senior Research Fellow, CSIR-central drug research institute
93     Rajiv Gupta Former professor of Sociology University of Rajasthan Jaipur
94     Jayashree Ramadas Professor (retired)
95     Reena Bharti CSIR-SRF
96     G C Manoharan Retired Professor
97     Venkat Nadella PostDoc Policy Research Fellow, Indian Institute of Science
98     Moumita Koley Policy post doctoral fellow
99     Ashok Jain Former CSIR NISTADS
100 Debjani Sengupta Retd. Professor
101 Ahmar Raza Retired Scientist
102 Ramesh Chander Retired Principal / District Secretary , Haryana Gyan Vigyan Samiti, Hisar , Haryana
103 S.Ramaswamy Retired Professor
104 Suresh Teaching  Assistant
105 Kamala menon Delhi science forum   Secretary
106 Archana Prasad Professor, Jawaharlal Nehru University, New Delhi
107 Asha Saxena Ahmad Eye Specialist
108 C P Geevan Independent Researcher
109 Dr K J Joseph Director GIFT
110 Rony Thomas Rajan Assistant professor
111 Mohanakumar Professor
112 S. Akshay Faculty, Indian Institute of Technology Bombay
113 Sedhu bharath. S Dentist
114 Jins Varkey Assistant Professor
115 Visweswaran Retd.Banker
116 Indranil OP Jindal Global University
117 Sundarbabu Retired Professor
118 K J Joy Senior Fellow, SOPPECOM
119 PrasadA Rao Chairman SARASIJAM Technologies
120 Drraj Singhal Chief Technical officer
121 Rao Gummadi IT Security Audit
122 Biju IK Member, Kerala Sastra Sahitya Parishath
123 Sanat Phatak KEM hospital research centre
124 Harsha Merchant Member ISSA
125 Sulakshana Nandi Public Health Resource Network Chhattisgarh
126 Tapan Saha Retired Senior Scientist, IESEM and Treasurer, Bangiya Bijnan Parishad
127 Prabhakar Jayaprakash Doctoral Scholar
128 M. Siddhartha Muthu Vijayan Scientist
129 Navjyoti Chakraborty Research Scientist, GGS Indrprastha University
130 Amitabh Joshi Professor, JNCASR, Bengaluru
131 D.Narasimha Reddy Professor of Economics(rtd),University of Hyderabad
132 Saroj Ghaskadbi Emeritus Professor, SPPU, Pune
133 Om Damani Professor, IIT Bombay
134 Bijoya Roy Public Health Researcher
135 R Suresh Babu General Manager, QC Zydus Cadila
136 B. Sathesh Senior Manager -Viral Vaccine HLL BIOTECH LTD
137 Srikanth Sastry JNCASR
138 Bala Sathiapalan IMSc
139 Kunhi Kannan Kssp
140 jyotsna jha director, centre for budget and policy studies
141 Brahmavidhya Medical Doctor DM
142 Sharath Ananthamurthy Professor, School of Physics, University of Hyderabad
143 Aparna Basu Independent Researcher
144 Pradip Kumar Mahapatra Associate Professor, Jadavpur University & General Secretary, Paschimbanga Vigyan Mancha
145 Pramode Ranjan Nandi Professor of Veterinary Gynaecology & Obstetrics
146 Sridhar Gutam Senior Scientist, ICAR-IIHR
147 Vivek Monteiro Secretary, CITU Maharashtra
148 Sudha Rao Genotypic Technology
149 Prajval Shastri astrophysicist and AIPSN
150 Ajit M. Srivastava Professor, Institute of Physics, Bhubaneswar
151 Subimal Sen Ex Professor, Saha Institute of Nuclear Physics, Kolkata
152 R.Priyanka Researcher
153 Kunta Biswas Doctor
154 Bhabani Sankar Joardar Professor
155 Debesh Kumar Das Professor
156 Indira C Public Health Researcher
157 Tarun Kumar Mandal Ex Principal
158 Prasanna Chebbi ISRC
159 Anna George Scientist (retired)
160 Malini Aisola Public health professional
161 Parthib Basu Professor, University of Calcutta
162 Rajinder Chaudhary Former Professor, MDU, Rohtak
163 Bittu K R Associate Professor of Biology and Psychology, Ashoka University
164 Maitri Bose (Biswas) Paschimbanga Vigyan Manchà
165 Rati Rao E. Scientist Rtd
166 Soham Jagtap Researcher, NIMHANS
167 Sweta Dash Researcher
168 Pradeep Shinde  Assistant Professor, CIS&LS, JNU
169 Chandan Dasgupta Honorary Professor, Indian Institute of Science
170 Annapoorna Sharma Consultant paediatrician. FRCPCH
171 Gayatri Saberwal Professor and Dean (Academic Affairs)
172 Richa Chintan Jan Swasthya Abhiyan
173 Dinesh Abrol Professor TRCSS, JNU
174 Ashok Rao  Delhi Science Forum
175 Prabir Ghosh Academic, JNU,Delhi
176 Gauhar Mehmood Professor JMI
177 P S Rajasekharan KSSP
178 dr.geyanand ex.M.L.C, JVV
179 Anshuman Das Independent Researcher Kolkatta
180 Vandana Prasad Independent Researcher Delhi
181 Biswajit Dhar Professor CESP, JNU Delhi
182 Sambit Mallik Academic IIT, Guwahati
183 Surinder Kumar Reired Professor,Rohtak
184 Rahul Independent Researcher Bhopal
185 Pritpal Randhawa Academic JNU, Delhi
186 Ravindran KSSP
187 Dharmendra Mishra  Industrial Researcher, Gurgaon
188 Savyasachi Academic, JMI Delhi
189 Biswajit Dhar Professor CESP, JNU Delhi
190 Satish Kalra Retired Professor, Hisar
191 K. N. Chatterjee General Secretary, BGVS, Dhanbad
192 O. P. Bhuratia JS AIPSN, Shimla
193 Parminder Independent Researcher, Delhi
194 Kunal Sinha Academic, CU Gandhinagar
195 C.Vishnumohan Academic, Delhi
196 Mira Shiva Public health Researcher
197 Pravin Jha  Professor CESP, JNU
198 Avinash Associate Professor, CIS&LS, JNU
199 N Raghuram  Professor
200 N.D. Jaiprakash Delhi Science Forum
201 Gauhar Raza Retired Chief Scientist, CSIR-NISCAIR
202 Madhu Prasad Retired Professor, Delhi University
203 P V S Kumar Retired Chief Scientist, CSIR-NISCAIR
204 Tejal Kanitkar NIAS, Bengaluru
205 A N Basu Ex Vice-Chancellor, Jadavpur University
206 Siddhartha Datta Ex Pro-Vice Chancellor, Jadavpur University
207 V. Parameswaran Nair Distinguished Professor, City University of New York
208 G V Raju Principal
209 Parameswaran Ajith ICTS-TIFR
210 Naresh Dadhich Former Director and Professor Emeritus, IUCAA
211 Biswajit Chakraborty Senior Professor, S.N.Bose National Centre for Basic Sciences, Kolkata
212 Joseph Samuel ICTS, Blore
213 Sarin S M Associate Professor, Dept of Medicine, GMC Kannur
214 Sanjiva Prasad Professor, IIT Delhi

 

Government unmasked: Abdicates vaccination responsibility

 click here for Statement On Government’s Phase-3 Vaccine Strategy 

                                                                     21 Apr 2021           

 Government unmasked: Abdicates vaccination responsibility

click here to see the press Statement

After a Meeting chaired by the Prime Minister, the Central Government announced on 19 April 2021 a “liberalized and accelerated” strategy for Phase-3 of India’s vaccination drive against the Covid-19 disease to take effect from 1 May 2021. On the face of it, the new strategy appears to meet demands of several stakeholders viz, for opening up the vaccination drive to all above the age of 18, to permit private institutions and State governments to directly acquire 50% of total vaccine production from manufacturers at unregulated prices set by the latter, grant State governments the liberty to tailor vaccination roll-out as per local needs, and provide additional finances to the two Indian Covid-19 vaccine manufacturers for scaling up production. Government has claimed that the new strategy aims to ensure that “maximum numbers of Indians are able to get the vaccine in the shortest possible of time: PM (sic).”

AIPSN welcomes the financial assistance, even though belated, extended to Serum Institute of India (SII) (Rs.3, 000 Crores) and Bharat Biotech (BB) (Rs.1500 Crores) against future supplies, to enable them to scale-up production. This measure should have been taken at the very start of the vaccination drive instead of the meager advance then given against limited orders, which would have significantly reduced the time that will now be required to make available greater volumes of vaccine. Regrettably, adequate financial support for the several PSU vaccine manufacturers presently lying idle due to ideological bias of the Government was not announced simultaneously.  This blinkered view had also led to the PSUs not even being called for discussions or consultations or being involved in non-vaccine related activities that are needed for the Covid-19 pandemic management. Now after the second wave disaster the Government wakes up to call up upon PSUs to make oxygen cylinders, bed manufacturing etc. What prevented the Government from involving the PSUs last year itself to ensure sufficient vaccine and non-vaccine materials are available when needed?

All other aspects of the new strategy, however, are highly counter-productive. By surrendering 50% of vaccine availability to the open market including for procurement by States and private hospitals, the Central government has at one stroke abdicated its responsibility for the vaccination drive and will henceforth freely blame States for any inadequacies. The strategy will pit States against each other in dog-eat-dog competition. A similar policy at early stages of the pandemic in early 2020 regarding procurement of test kits and PPEs failed miserably, forcing the Centre to centralize procurement. Only Central procurement and distribution can ensure reasonably equitable access by all States.

Opening up vaccine procurement and administration to private health facilities, corporates and other institutions at market prices will encourage price gouging and a black market in vaccine doses. It will also adversely impact the on-going vaccination programme which will henceforth have only 50% of the earlier vaccine supply, and with only government hospitals continuing free vaccinations with the empanelled private hospitals compelled to buy vaccines at market prices which will result in higher vaccination charges impacting the middle classes. This dual system can be expected to open the doors to all kinds of manipulation, favoritism and malpractices.

Privatizing 50% of vaccinations will also undoubtedly exacerbate inequities in vaccinations, in favor of urban, rich and well-connected sections of society.

No other major country, including the most market friendly nations, has adopted a vaccination strategy of this kind, precisely for the reasons enumerated here.

Even the seemingly welcome strategy of expanding the eligibility criteria to everyone above 18 years of age, without first increasing vaccine supply, may prove to be problematic in practice, at a time when there is acute vaccine shortage even for the currently eligible and more vulnerable 45+ population. Increased demand without matching supply will only increase problems in the inoculation drive which may in turn fuel vaccine hesitancy. The assertion in the new policy that enlarging the eligible population because “a good amount of coverage of vulnerable groups is expected by 30th April,” is belied by the facts.

The new strategy is not a win-win solution as propagated. Corporates, private health care institutions and the well-off will win, while the poor and the middle class will lose big time. 

AIPSN calls for rolling back of this new strategy and for a recalibrated fully public funded and universal vaccination programme, backed by adequate government support for vaccine manufacturers including PSUs.

 

 

For clarifications contact:

D.Raghunandan 9810098621; T. Sundararaman 9987438253; S.Krishnaswamy 9442158638

P.Rajamanickam, General Secretary, AIPSN gsaipsn@gmail.com, 9442915101 @gsaipsn

 

 

Statement On Second Wave of Covid-19 Pandemic in India

click here for All India Peoples Science Network (AIPSN) Statement (English)

click here to read the AIPSN Statement in Hindi

Click here for the statement in Odia

On Second Wave of Covid-19 Pandemic in India

14 Apr 2021

click here to read the Position paper (English) on which this statement is based. 

click here for the Position paper (Hindi) 

click here for the signed AIPSN Statement

This AIPSN Statement is based on the position paper on the Second Wave of Covid-19 Pandemic in India. India is well and truly into a brutal second wave of the Covid-19 pandemic.

            Accept responsibility; don’t blame the people and States  : A belated high-level meeting at the PMO blamed the people and the States for this crisis. This serves only to enable the Centre to evade responsibility for the present situation and give itself an excuse for future inaction or failure. Learning from the first wave, it is important that measures are taken through a partnership between the Centre and States, with the Centre providing evidence-based guidelines and financial as well as other assistance, with the Centre not making efforts to shift blame to States while withholding essential supplies and co-operation on many fronts. Additional epidemiological data and further analysis is required to arrive at any firm conclusions as to reasons behind this second wave, and precautions required to be taken in the future.

            Understand role of variants, expand gene sequencing: There is considerable discussion, albeit so far without adequate evidence or data, that Sars Cov2 virus variants which may be more infectious, or deadlier, or even provide a “vaccine escape,” are responsible for the second wave. Limited gene sequencing so far has thrown up concerning data regarding possible extensive presence of the UK variant (B.1.117) and the Indian double-variant lineage (B.1.617). However, insufficient information is available to draw any firm conclusions about the impact of these variants. Significantly expanded gene sequencing across the country, and correlating findings with epidemiological data, is necessary to obtain a better understanding of the dangers posed and to work out containment and mitigation strategies addressing these variants.

            Increase testing, tracing and surveillance:  India needs to vigorously test, trace, isolate and treat infected persons, besides putting in place decentralized, locally relevant and evidence-based surveillance and containment strategies. Testing needs to be ramped up significantly with emphasis on RT-PCR tests so as to uncover infections more quickly. Contact tracing was the weakest aspect of the response by governments at the Centre and most States during the first wave, with the Aarogya Setu App proving to be ineffective, and badly needs to be strengthened now. Decentralized evidence-based approaches with community participation would be most effective.

            Address Vaccine shortage & Equity: There is a seriously mistaken tendency among authorities, and also some commentators, to look to vaccines as a silver bullet to tackle the pandemic and bring this second wave to an end. India’s vaccinations per capita rank well below the global average. Many States are also complaining of shortages in vaccine supply from the Centre. There is much information available, albeit scattered and mostly anecdotal at present that a class divide is emerging in India’s vaccination drive, in cities as well as in many rural areas in the country. These deficiencies need to be urgently rectified by taking the vaccines to eligible populations at community level and conducting widespread communication campaigns on the vaccination drive. Continuing vaccine hesitancy also needs to be overcome.

            Scale-up Vaccine production and availability:  Total production by Serum Institute of India (SII) and Bharat Biotech, while high by the former is below even current vaccination rates, leave alone an expanded vaccination drive. Therefore the Government needs to urgently take steps to boost manufacturing capacity. At the same time, the Government should also take several other steps to ramp up availability of other vaccines. The Russian Sputnik-V vaccine has finally been given emergency use approval by DCGI. Sputnik-V is not prohibitively expensive, can be stored in ordinary refrigerators in powder form, and can therefore form an important part of India’s vaccination programme. The Government has now decided to also invite other vaccines approved by WHO and by regulators in the US, Europe and Japan to apply for approval in India. Care should be taken to ensure that modalities of import, pricing and distribution are designed in such a manner as to not accentuate the present class divide in vaccine access, and that a dual-access scenario does not emerge where the well-off have ready access to a wide variety of vaccines through private facilities by virtue of their ability to pay higher prices, while the poor struggle to access vaccines due to lack of paying ability and poor access to information. Both SII and Bharat Biotech have requested financial support from the Government to enable additional manufacturing capacities. These funds should be urgently provided so as to augment indigenous production, which may take another few months to fructify.

            Address Licensing/ IP issues: Covaxin vaccine was developed by the National Institute of Virology in Pune, a laboratory under the Indian Council of Medical Research, and the Hyderabad-based Bharat Biotech put it into production.  The Government must take the initiative to work out arrangements for licensing other Indian manufacturers to produce Covaxin so as to augment total supply of this vaccine. Established public sector enterprises such as the Haffkine Bio-Pharmaceutical Corporation Limited, Maharashtra should also be included in this endeavor, putting aside the blind ideological opposition of the ruling dispensation to PSUs. There is no compulsion to allow Bharat Biotech to retain a monopoly over the know-how for this vaccine, especially during this dangerous second wave of the pandemic, just as India had joined South Africa to demand that vaccine developers and manufacturers in the developed countries give up their monopoly rights.

            Oppose misguided vaccine nationalism: There is a wholly misconceived campaign being mounted, including by some political parties and sections of the media, that India should stop commercial and aid-based exports of vaccines so as to prioritize domestic needs. Even before this, the Government had imposed some restrictions on exports potentially undoing the goodwill earned earlier by free supply of vaccine to friendly developing countries and by its substantial contribution to the international Covax facility to supply vaccines to lower income countries. It should also be noted that India has received back around one-third of its supplies to Covax, since India too is a beneficiary country, and largest recipient, under Covax!

China and India are amongst the few countries that are working to assist the global vaccination effort especially in developing and low-income countries, and it would be cruel and immoral to weaken or close down this endeavor in an extremely selfish display of vaccine nationalism, and that too for very little benefit. This is a record to be proud of, not condemned.

It should also be noted that it is precisely this kind of vaccine nationalism and related crass commercialism practiced by the US which is one of the major factors preventing SII, Biological-E (licensed to manufacture the Johnson & Johnson vaccine in India) and other vaccine manufacturers in India to scale up production. These manufacturers depend on various raw materials and intermediates such as specialized bags, filters, cell culture media, single-use tubing and special chemicals from the US, which has imposed an export ban on all vaccine-related materials under its Defence Production Act. If India were to similarly restrict exports, it would have no moral authority to demand opening up of exports by the US or others. It is unfortunate that despite this good track record of assisting the global vaccination effort, India has not pushed back on high-income countries such as in the US and in EU countries who have hoarded vaccines at the cost of other especially poorer countries.

 

For clarifications contact:

D.Raghunandan 9810098621; T. Sundararaman 9987438253; S.Krishnaswamy 9442158638

P.Rajamanickam, General Secretary, AIPSN gsaipsn@gmail.com, 9442915101 @gsaipsn

 

Position Paper On Second Wave of Covid-19 Pandemic in India

click here to read All India Peoples Science Network (AIPSN) Position Paper (English)

click here to read Hindi version of Position Paper 

On Second Wave of Covid-19 Pandemic in India

14 Apr 2021

click here to read the short statement (English) based on the position paper

click here to read the short statement (Hindi) based on the position paper 

Click here to read short statement in Odia

India is well and truly into a brutal second wave of the Covid-19 pandemic. Daily cases are skyrocketing to unprecedented heights, and are now the highest of all countries, while total cases have taken India to second place worldwide overtaking badly hit Brazil. For the sixth day, India had record numbers of daily cases over 1 lakh, reaching 1, 61,736 new cases on 13 April, far higher than the  record high of 97,894 new daily cases on 16 September 2020 during the first wave.  Going by current trends, India is likely to reach even higher daily case rates, with these new highs prevailing for a prolonged period, unless strong and effective steps are urgently taken. Mortality and hospitalization rates are on the rise dangerously in parts of the country and show a worrying trend overall.

Accept responsibility; don’t blame the people and States

A very belated high-level meeting at the PMO a week ago “emphasized that the reasons for the sharper rise in cases could be mainly attributed to the severe decline in compliance of Covid-appropriate behavior primarily in terms of use of masks and maintaining ‘2 Gaj ki Doori’ [two yards distance], pandemic fatigue and lack of effective implementation of containment measures at the field level.” This analysis blaming the people and the States for this crisis, and repetition of the same charge by other high officials, is disingenuous, hypocritical and even dangerous, serving only to enable the Centre to evade responsibility for the present situation and give itself an excuse for future inaction or failure. It is evident even to a casual observer that broad sections of the people all over the country have become extremely lax as regards masking, maintaining physical distancing and avoiding crowded spaces especially indoors. However, this begs the question: what was the Government doing to tackle this and prevent the inevitable consequences of a second wave, and did not the Government itself encourage this laxity?

As public health experts have pointed out, the period when cases were sharply declining reaching a trough or low point of 9,121 on 15 February, provided the best opportunity to attack the virus through vigorous containment and mitigation actions including expanded vaccinations, but the Government lowered its guard and missed this chance. Meanwhile, encouraged by signals  from the Centre, authorities everywhere relaxed all restrictions, with offices, cinemas, restaurants, malls, passenger airlines and public transport all functioning at full capacity virtually in a pre-pandemic “life as usual” mode. Learning from the first wave, it is important that measures are taken through a partnership between the Centre and States, with the Centre providing evidence-based guidelines and financial as well as other assistance, with the Centre not making efforts to shift blame to States while withholding essential supplies and co-operation on many fronts.

Experience of different countries has repeatedly underlined the importance of continued vigilance and ensuring Covid-appropriate behavior during periods of declining cases. However, the Government itself suggested, through its National Covid Supermodel, that cases in India had peaked by October 2020 and would be under control by February 2021, and led to widespread lowering of guard. Even today, in the midst of this dangerous second wave, huge crowds are attending potentially super-spreader events such as the massive gatherings at the Mahakumbh Mela, and packed rallies and road shows during the State elections frequently addressed by the topmost Government leaders who are themselves responsible for Covid-19 control measures. No guidelines have been issued, no efforts at enforcement of Covid norms are being made, and the few mild public appeals seem like a mere a formality. It would appear there is no pandemic in India!

Additional epidemiological data and further analysis is required to arrive at any firm conclusions as to reasons behind this second wave, and precautions required to be taken in the future.

Understand role of variants, expand gene sequencing

There is considerable discussion, albeit so far without adequate evidence or data, about one particular reason that may be contributing to this second wave, namely Sars Cov2 virus variants which may be more infectious, or deadlier, or even provide a “vaccine escape” i.e. being resistant to vaccine-induced immunity. It is well known that viruses mutate to combat increasing immunity in the host population due either to widespread prior infections or vaccination. The major internationally known variant strains or lineages are the so-called UK variant (B.1.1.7), which ravaged Britain and has now emerged as a dominant strain in the US and may even lead to more deaths, the South African variant (B.1.351) and the Brazilian variant (P.1.). All these variants have been observed in India. Of around 10,787 samples from 18 Indian states analyzed by labs involved with the Indian SARS-CoV-2 Consortium on Genomics (INSACOG), 771 variant cases were detected comprising 736 UK (336 in Punjab alone), 34 South African and 1 Brazilian variant. Maharashtra has shown a worryingly large number of cases (202 of the above sample) with a “double mutation” (E484Q and L452R), now assigned a distinct lineage B.1.617.

However, insufficient information is available as of now to draw any firm conclusions about the impact of these variants. Also, not enough is known about the efficacy of different vaccines in protecting against these variants, although some available information suggests that the Oxford-AstraZeneca or Covishield vaccine provides good protection from the UK variant but not from the South African variant. INSACOG has been beset with difficulties and only 7,664 samples – less than 1% of the total positive samples since January 2021 through March 18, 2021 – have been sequenced. It is important that India significantly expands genetic testing across the country and correlates findings with epidemiological data in order to obtain a better understanding of the dangers posed by these variants. There is therefore need for more laboratory and field studies regarding the efficacy of Covishield, Covaxin and other vaccines likely to be used with respect to these variants.

Increase testing, tracing and surveillance

It is important to note that the main public health response to the present second wave, irrespective of these variants and other factors, remains broadly the same as was advocated earlier, but learning from missteps and experience during the first wave.  India needs to vigorously test, trace, isolate and treat infected persons, besides putting in place decentralized, locally relevant and evidence-based surveillance and containment strategies. Test positivity rate in the first wave was highest at around 12.7% on 20 July 2020, about 8.7% at the case load peak around 20 September 2020 and was at its lowest at 1.6% on 15 February 2021. Today all-India average test positivity rate is high at 11.4% on 12 April 2021 showing inadequate testing, and rising continuously. Testing needs to be ramped up significantly, with emphasis on RT-PCR tests, so as to uncover infections more quickly. At the same time, testing needs to be strategic, targeting contacts of positive cases and symptomatic cases in clusters identified through community surveillance and contact tracing.

Contact tracing was the weakest aspect of the response by governments at the Centre and most States during the first wave, with the Aarogya Setu App proving to be ineffective, and badly needs to be strengthened now. Tracing all contacts quickly, testing and then isolating them if infected, is essential for quick containment of the spread of the disease, along with community-level surveillance measures to identify potential hot spots. Decentralized evidence-based approaches with community participation would be most effective. All available human resources need to be mobilized for this, going beyond health workers and the police who may have enough on their hands, and tapping NDRF, home guards, educated youth and other volunteers, and civil society organizations, all with proper training for the purpose. Data relating to contacts traced, tested and isolated should also be included in daily reporting dashboards of State governments along with cases, tests, deaths etc, since this would act as a monitoring mechanism as well as motivation to perform better.

Address Vaccine shortage & Equity

There is a seriously mistaken tendency among authorities, and also some commentators, to look to vaccines as a silver bullet to tackle the pandemic and bring this second wave to an end. India is currently vaccinating an average of 3-4 million persons per day and has so far administered around 85 million doses. While this may look good in absolute numbers, especially for a developing country, India’s vaccinations per capita rank well below the global average. Many States are also complaining of shortages in vaccine supply from the Centre.

It also needs to be emphasized that India will take at least another 55 days at present rates to administer at least one dose to the original target of 300 million persons for this phase, not counting the additional recipients due to inclusion of all above the age of 45 years in the eligible group. That still leaves a huge gap of several hundreds of millions of doses requiring to be administered even if those under 18 years are not counted. Clearly, India cannot just wait for vaccinations to be completed and must press on urgently and effectively now with the public health measures discussed above.

There is much information available, albeit scattered and mostly anecdotal at present that a class divide is emerging in India’s vaccination drive, in cities as well as in many rural areas in the country. Those missing out on vaccinations say they do not know where vaccines are being administered, how to get vaccinated, how to enroll for vaccinations, that they do not have smart phones etc. These deficiencies need to be urgently rectified by suitable modifications in the vaccination strategy, especially by taking the vaccines to eligible populations at community level and conducting widespread communication campaigns on the vaccination drive. Continuing vaccine hesitancy also needs to be overcome.

The weakness in vaccinating health workers and frontline workers, the first in the eligibility queue, also needs to be overcome urgently. Reports suggest that around one-third of health workers have not been vaccinated, for whatever reason. Having noticed some misuse of the priority facility for health workers, the Government has recently closed the enrollment of health workers for vaccination. Instead of taking punitive action against health workers by closing their enrollment for vaccination, Government should rectify the enrollment system and block loopholes, while actively persuading health workers to get vaccinated.

Scale-up Vaccine production and availability

These vaccine numbers show that, quite apart from complaints by several States about vaccine shortages and lack of timely supplies from the Centre, requirement for vaccines is currently greater than supply and likely to remain so over the next few months. According to reports, Serum Institute of India (SII) is producing around 21.6 lakh doses of Covishield daily or 648 lakh (64.8 million) doses per month. Bharat Biotech is manufacturing around 1.6 lakh doses of Covaxin daily (4.8 million doses per month). The total production is therefore enough only for 23 lakh doses daily, much below even current vaccination rates, leave alone an expanded vaccination drive. Therefore the Government needs to urgently take steps to boost manufacturing capacity. For instance, both the above manufacturers have requested the Government to finance expansion of production significantly and quickly. SII has said it could ramp up production of Covishield to 200 million doses per month if such financing is made available, and. Bharat Biotech says they could scale up production of Covaxin to around 7 times current levels or to about 33.6 million doses per month.

All those who are clamoring for on-demand vaccinations for the entire adult population should keep these supply chain constraints in mind. At the same time, the suggestion from several hospitals and doctors that those between 18 and 45 with serious co-morbidities should also be brought within the eligibility criteria for vaccinations need consideration.

At the same time, the Government should also take several other steps to ramp up availability of vaccines. At the time of writing, the Russian Sputnik-V vaccine, which has a proven high efficacy against the SARS Cov2 virus and has also undergone bridging trials in India, has been given emergency use approval by DCGI after a prolonged wait while being repeatedly asked for additional data. This contrasts sharply with the rapid pace with which Bharat Biotech’s Covaxin was approved, without even waiting for efficacy data. This is not to argue for similarly cutting of corners for Sputnik-V or other vaccines, but Government should help to expedite the process. Sputnik-V is not prohibitively expensive, unlike the Pfizer and Moderna vaccines, and can be stored in ordinary refrigerators in powder form, and can therefore form an important part of India’s vaccination programme. Russia Direct Investment Fund (RDIF) has also tied up with 6 Indian vaccine manufacturing companies to together produce around 650 million doses. However, since this production in India will take time, Sputnik V will initially be fully imported from Russia. Again, at the time of writing, Government has decided to invite those vaccines approved by WHO and by regulators in the US, Europe and Japan to apply for approval in India without having to undergo bridging trials, stating that close watch would initially be kept on safety aspects before large-scale roll out.

Care should be taken to ensure that modalities of import, pricing and distribution are designed in such a manner as to not accentuate the present class divide in vaccine access, and that a dual-access does not emerge where the well-off have ready access to a wide variety of vaccines through private facilities by virtue of their ability to pay higher prices, while the poor struggle to access vaccines due to lack of paying ability and poor access to information.

Address Licensing/ IP issues

It is unfortunate that despite this good track record of assisting the global vaccination effort despite high , India has not pushed back on high-income countries such as in the US and in EU countries who have hoarded vaccines at the cost of other especially poorer countries.

India recently participated in a Meeting of the Indo-Pacific Quad grouping comprising the US, Australia, Japan and India. Among other things, the Meeting discussed a major Quad role in enhancing vaccine supplies for the Indo-Pacific region through an agreement under which the US would provide vaccine know-how and share financing with Japan, India would take responsibility for manufacture and Australia would handle logistics for supply of 1000 million doses to the region by end of 2022. Unfortunately, India did not use the occasion to raise the issue forcefully with the US, merely stating afterwards that the matter is sensitive and is being discussed with the US bilaterally. India must push the US strenuously in this regard; otherwise the “strategic partnership” would mean little.

India and South Africa also moved a proposal to the WTO in October 2020 calling for suspension of intellectual property rules and other obstructions to sharing of know-how especially to developing countries to enable the latter to manufacture vaccines, medicines and other medical products and hence to more rapidly bring the Covid-19 pandemic under control at least cost to their people. Regrettably, but true to form of the global North, the high-income countries notably the US, UK and EU blocked the proposal. In this case too, India did not actively pursue this proposal, which had the backing of the developing countries, either bilaterally with the US and other developed countries or in multi-lateral fora, revealing a possible lack of courage and determination to take on the leaders of global capitalism.

However, this demand by India points to another measure the Government could take in India so as to ramp up production of vaccines in India. The Covaxin vaccine was developed by the National Institute of Virology in Pune, a laboratory under the Indian Council of Medical Research, and productionized by the Hyderabad-based Bharat Biotech who put it into production.  It is suggested that the Government take the initiative to work out arrangements for licensing other Indian manufacturers to produce Covaxin so as to augment total supply of this vaccine. Established public sector enterprises such as the Haffkine Bio-Pharmaceutical Corporation Limited, Maharashtra should also be included in this endeavor, putting aside the blind ideological opposition of the ruling dispensation to PSUs.

There is no compulsion to allow Bharat Biotech to retain a monopoly over the know-how for this vaccine, especially during this dangerous second wave of the pandemic, just as India had joined South Africa to demand that vaccine developers and manufacturers in the developed countries give up their monopoly rights.

Oppose misguided vaccine nationalism

In this connection, there is a wholly misconceived campaign being mounted, including by some political parties and sections of the media, that India should stop commercial and aid-based exports of vaccines so as to prioritize domestic needs. Even before this, the Government had imposed some restrictions on exports potentially undoing the goodwill earned earlier by free supply of vaccine to friendly developing countries and by its substantial contribution to the international Covax facility to supply vaccines to lower income countries. India has exported around 64.5 million vaccine doses, mostly of Covishield, since January 2021. Of this, 10.5 million were free supplies to developing countries and UN peace-keeping forces, 18.2 million to Covax, and 35.8 million were commercial exports, again including under contractual agreements with AstraZeneca which has licensed the manufacture of Covishield in India. Notably, India has hugely benefited from the transfer of technology from Oxford AstraZeneca to SII of a vaccine whose price has been deliberately kept low so as to benefit other developing countries. Supplies to Covax too are contracted and manufacturers like SII have received substantial advance funding under the Covax programme, so these actually should not be stopped or delayed, although reports are that India has slowed down supplies to Covax and also under its aid programme, causing anxiety among these recipients.

It should also be noted that India has received back around one-third of its supplies to Covax, since India too is a beneficiary country, and largest recipient, under Covax! The free vaccine supplies amounts to just 3 days of vaccination in India at present rates, and even the commercial exports are equivalent to only about 10 days’ supply for vaccination in India. Therefore, stopping exports will not provide much relief from the demand-supply gap India is facing. Further, China and India are almost the only countries that are working to assist the global vaccination effort especially in developing and low-income countries, and it would be cruel and immoral to weaken or close down this endeavor in an extremely selfish display of vaccine nationalism, and that too for very little benefit. This is a record to be proud of not condemned. The point again is that what India needs to do now is to ramp up vaccine production by existing manufacturers, and by quickly approving the production and deployment of several other vaccines that are in the pipeline.

It is precisely this kind of vaccine nationalism and related crass commercialism practiced by the US which is one of the major factors preventing SII, Biological-E (licensed to manufacture the Johnson & Johnson vaccine in India) and other vaccine manufacturers in India to scale up production. These manufacturers depend on various raw materials and intermediates such as specialized bags, filters, cell culture media, single-use tubing and special chemicals from the US, which has imposed an export ban on all vaccine-related materials under its Defence Production Act. If India were to similarly restrict exports, it would have no moral authority to demand opening up of exports by the US or others.

 

For clarifications contact:

D.Raghunandan 9810098621; T. Sundararaman 9987438253; S. Krishnaswamy 9442158638

P.Rajamanickam, General Secretary, AIPSN gsaipsn@gmail.com, 9442915101 @gsaipsn

 

On Covaxin Interim Results from Phase 3 trials  

click here to read the English pdf of AIPSNStatement-on-CovaxinPhase3InterimResults-7Mar

On Covaxin Interim Results from Phase 3 trials

7 Mar 2021

All India Peoples Science Network welcomes the first interim efficacy data from Phase-3 clinical trials as released by M/S Bharat Biotech for the indigenously developed Covid-19 vaccine “Covaxin”. Based on the initial 43 cases of Covid-19 of which 39 were in the placebo arm and 7 were in the vaccinated arm of the phase 3 trial involving 25800 participants with 1:1 random allocation of vaccine and placebo, Bharat Biotech announced a point estimate of vaccine efficacy of 80.56% with two doses four weeks apart. The trial also showed protection from infection and severe disease across different segments of the population. Bharat Biotech has planned to release a second interim analysis at 87 cases, and a final analysis when 130 cases are reached in the near future. AIPSN looks forward to peer review and publication of all the data at the earliest.

Peer reviewed Phase-3 trial data should be submitted by Bharat Biotech to the Drug Controller General of India (DCGI) at the earliest so that the regulator may issue revised emergency use approval for Covaxin, doing away with the various conditions attached to it, notably the requirement of administering the vaccine in clinical trial, which were considered necessary by DCGI and its Subject Expert Committee because of the absence of Phase-3 trial data at that time. These steps would overcome the objections of a large section of the scientific community and civil society in India, who had raised their voice against premature approval to Covaxin without Phase-3 trial data.

Once approval is granted by DCGI to Covaxin on par with Covishield, Covaxin can justifiably join the global set of approved vaccines against the Covid-19 disease, enabling it to cater to the huge international demand for vaccines especially among developing countries. An indigenous Covid-19 vaccine, developed by the National Institute of Virology (NIV) under the Indian Council of Medical Research (ICMR), and manufactured by Bharat Biotech, legitimately gaining such acceptance internationally, would indeed be a matter of pride for Indian science and industry.

Statements by Government spokespersons claiming vindication of their support for the premature approval for Covaxin and its inclusion in the vaccination rollout, are entirely misplaced. As anticipated by those who strongly opposed both moves, including the AIPSN, the premature approval for Covaxin without Phase-3 data, clearly under Government pressure, has avoidably caused immense embarrassment at home and abroad, damaged the reputation of Indian science and regulatory institutions, and added to vaccine hesitancy in India. Little would have been lost if DCGI had waited for Phase-3 data now available. According to publicly available data, only about 10% of the approximately 16 million vaccination doses administered so far have been of Covaxin, a gap that could have easily been made up with Covishield.

AIPSN hopes that the nearly 81% efficacy shown by the first interim analysis of Covaxin phase 3 trials will now help dispel the earlier vaccine hesitancy due to hasty approval without data. AIPSN appeals to all eligible people to get vaccinated in order to protect themselves and prevent others who cannot be vaccinated from getting Covid-19. It is hoped that Bharat Biotech will now ramp up production to required levels and join the international battle against Covid-19 with full confidence. It is time the Government realizes that promotion of true self-reliance is not well-served by artificial support or false claims, but by promotion of quality R&D and products that can match the best in the world and compete globally on its own merits.

 

 

For clarifications contact:

D. Raghunandan 9810098621 S.Krishnaswamy 9442158638

P. Rajamanickam, General Secretary, AIPSN gsaipsn@gmail.com, 9442915101 @gsaipsn

 

AIPSN Statement on Enforcement Directorate Raids on Newsclick

click here to read press release of AIPSN-Statement-EDraidsNC-10Feb2021-LrHdsd

AIPSN Statement on Enforcement Directorate Raids on Newsclick

10 Feb 2021

 

Reports of raids by the Enforcement Directorate (ED) on the offices of web-based news and current affairs portal Newsclick and the residences of its editors and director have shocked many in the media, civil society and all those working to strengthen critical thinking and scrutiny of government policies in the public interest. Newsclick’s coverage of various issues in science and technology (S&T), and public policies related to S&T, have provided an alternative and informed perspective from that of the government as well as from much of the mainstream media especially in TV.  The All India Peoples Science Network (AIPSN) is deeply appreciative of the insightful, useful and evidence-based coverage of the governmental policies and responses to the Covid-19 pandemic, including an interactive dashboard on Covid-19 data both in India and worldwide. In recent times, Newsclick has also provided valuable coverage of the farmers’ struggle and informative articles by experts on issues related to the struggle.

AIPSN is deeply disturbed by these ED raids on Newsclick. Newsclick has stated that it is confident of proving its innocence on all charges alleged by ED. These raids, in timing and circumstance, can only be viewed  as part of a pattern of governmental suppression of critical voices in civil society and the media  in general through a variety of coercive means. ED and similar agencies are now seen to be regularly used as partisan tools of intimidation and vindictiveness. Strangely, such actions always are targeted only against voices critical of government policies.

AIPSN has been active nationwide in making the public aware of these dangerous trends, especially targeting Universities, the media, civil society and public intellectuals. These trends have serious implications for the Constitutional obligation to develop critical thinking and a scientific temper among the people. As a network of people centred science movements, AIPSN is acutely aware that science itself cannot thrive if critical thinking is suppressed in any and all spheres.  AIPSN has been annually observing 20th August as National Scientific Temper Day, the date of the murder of well-known campaigner for scientific temper and against superstition, Dr.Narendra Dabholkar, followed soon after by the similar murders of Govind Pansare, M.M.Kalburgi and Gauri Lankesh, all probably by the same extremist hindutva group determined to silence voices of rationality, critical thinking and scientific temper.

At this crucial crossroads of our nation’s history as a vibrant, diverse, secular and democratic society, AIPSN expresses its solidarity with Newsclick and other independent media outlets and journalists and urges the Government to not strangle voices of democracy so essential for Science.

 

For clarifications contact:

 P.Rajamanickam, General Secretary, AIPSN

gsaipsn@gmail.com, 9442915101 @gsaipsn

Response to Draft ABC of UGC: Establishment and Operationalisation of Academic Bank Credit Scheme in Higher Education Regulations

Click here to see the email submitting AIPSN response to UGC

Click here to see the pdf of the AIPSN response to UGC

5th Feb 2021

AIPSN Response to Draft UGC (Establishment and Operationalisation of Academic Bank Credit (ABC) Scheme in Higher Education) Regulations 2021

The UGC during the pandemic period has brought out the draft regulations to establish and operationalise the Academic Bank Credit Scheme on 21 Jan 2021 and has asked for feedback from stakeholders by 5th Feb 2021 via the gmail id abcregulations2021@gmail.com

The response from AIPSN is given in two parts: a) Procedural inconsistencies and b) Long term deleterious impacts

A. Procedural inconsistencies

  1. A democratic exercise has once again been hijacked and made a mockery of in a process that has become familiar. Force a bill, act, ordinance, directive without any discussion to plead that it is good for the nation, farmer, academic, student, teacher worker. The farm laws have met unprecedented resistance. But that has also given the backdrop to take attention away from matters related to other issues. It is for this reason that the government released the Science, Technology, Innovation Policy document on 31st Dec 2020 with only 3 weeks to respond- the date being extended by eleven more days under demand. The same has now happened with this UGC ABC draft regulations being put up on 21st January on the UGC website with the last date to respond is 5th February, 2021 with not even a press announcement for such an important document!”
  2. The question naturally arises what is the urgency? There has to be more time given especially as colleges and universities are not fully functioning due to the pandemic. As it is a scheme that is meant for students, the students need to be involved in the discussion. The time could be given till 30th April 2021 and then the responses can be made public before a new draft is circulated.
  3. There is no postal address and contact person. The online access and internet access in India is not uniform across the country and in different social strata. A postal address and contact person must be specified for students and others to respond offline also.
  4. It is surprising that UGC has chosen a gmail id for soliciting responses rather than use an official government email id or website for the responses. If UGC does not have this capability even, how is it going to operationalise the online Academic Bank Credit? Or is it an indication that ABC will be outsourced to a private party?                                                                                                                                 B. Long term deleterious impacts
  5. The Academic Credits are a way to standardize and make education like an assembly line process borrowed from the predominantly commercial education system. The major limitation of the credit system is that it fragments knowledge as has been acknowledged in the World Bank report on American Credit System in Higher Education brought out in 1992. What we really need is a discussion on the need and the modification needed in the functioning of the credit system.
  6. In India the Choice Based Credit System (CBCS) is poorly functioning at most in a token manner and mostly a disaster in many Universities and colleges. It has been a failure considering that it does not motivate the student nor does it go towards enriching knowledge skills or broader understanding. Even within a University or College there is no possibility of transferring credits. Building on this to bring about an external centralized institution called the Academic Bank Credit for trying to transfer credits across institutions is clearly not based on the reality of what exists.
  7. In the US which pioneered the use of the credit system, ccompleting the first two years of a degree at one institution, usually a community college, and then moving to another, is very common. There is a National Institute for study of Transfer Student that has tried to create website to facilitate transfer. Most States of the USA have a range of approaches from informal efforts of transfer students to more formal institution-based agreements or state-mandated policies. But there is no centralised Credit Bank in the USA that is involved in the transfers.
  8. In China the credit transfer and inter institutional course selection or student exchange has been limited to smaller universities and those in geographical proximity. This was initiated as part of the Chinese National Outline for Medium and Long-term Education Reform and Development (2010-2020). The goal was mainly towards life long education as in Korea. A study of four such initiatives in China concluded “procedures and systems related to credit transfer need to be formulated taking into account China’s actual situation in regard to college entrance and school registration management, thereby ensuring the reliability and credibility of credit transfer”. The Chinese systems do not involve any Centralised Credit Bank.
  9. The most successful credit transfer system in place is the European Credit Transfer System. It is a central tool in the Bologna Process, which aims to make national education systems in Europe more comparable internationally. The ECTS grading systems do not replace the local grading systems, but they provide a supplement to local grades, for example, on a transcript of records. It simply provides equivalences and makes degree programmes and student performance more transparent and comparable across all countries that are members of the European Higher Education Area (EHEA). The ECTS credit system does not involve any Centralised Credit Bank.
  10. The Academic Credit Bank System (ACBS) was started in Republic of Korea in 1998 to augment a lifelong learning. It is a degree granting body. A recent review in 2019 has indicated that the system given the social stratification does not assure equality of outcomes though it theoretically provides equality of access. If this is the case in Korea, in the highly stratified Indian society full of inequities which has also been pointed out by Babasaheb Ambedkar, this current initiative of UGC Academic Bank Credit will only further exacerbate the inequalities of outcomes.
  11. The ABC of UGC is a virtual bank (see 5.1 ‘ABC shall be a digital/virtual/online store-house entity of credit data base of HEIs with students as its stakeholders’). It is not a degree granting body (see 5.4. ABC shall not be, by itself, a Degree-awarding organisation; The Statutory degree-awarding power shall continue to be vested with the eligible HEIs which have registered with ABC). This therefore does not make it suitable as a vehicle for lifelong education. Ultimately the student will be forced to run around between institutions to get the degree for which the credits are entitled as the ABC will need the HEIs to communicate the credits to the ABC (see 6.1 However, ABC shall not accept any credit course document directly from the students and shall entertain such documents as valid only when they are transmitted by the respective, registered HEI awarding the credits).
  12. A fee will be charged to the student to keep the credits in the ABC (see 8.11 ‘There would be a credit processing fee to be paid by the registering student to ABC for maintaining the student’s Academic Bank Account and related functions. It would be fixed appropriately to encourage maximal usage of the ABC scheme by students’). No mechanism has been spelt out to keep the course fees affordable for economically and socially underprivileged students. This would be a further burden on the students and would work against the utilisation by the marginalised groups further increasing the educational divide.
  13. The Higher Education Institutions (HEIs) which are part of the ABC system are those which have the NAAC grade of ‘A’. Only 205 out of a total of 875 Universities are eligible which is just 23% of the Universities. In the case of colleges 1844 have greater than A grade out of total 38498 colleges, that is just 5% are eligible. This scheme is elitist in concept and implementation.
  14. In theory, this UGC ABC sounds as if it is very useful and revolutionary. In reality it will not help first generation students. It will benefit 3rd or nth generation learners as they will be able to navigate the system better both conceptually and financially. City based students would fare better in using this ABC than rural students. In general, this UGC ABC will increase the educational divide in society along caste, minorities, and rural fault lines.
  15. AIPSN calls upon UGC to abandon this flawed Centralised Academic Bank Credit and instead initiate a discussion on the enabling the credit system to first function properly for even in the words of Abbott Lowell who was President of Harvard University in USA: “The real unit is the student. He is the only thing in education that is an end in itself”.

For clarifications contact:

S. Krishnaswamy 9442158638

P. Rajamanickam, General Secretary, AIPSN

gsaipsn@gmail.com, 9442915101 @gsaipsn

On the draft STIP2020: Need for a people-centered and future-oriented STIP based on reality

click here to see the Gmail submission of AIPSN Response to draft STIP2020

click here for the AIPSN-response-DraftSTIP2020-30Jan2021 in English

 

30Jan2021

All India Peoples Science Network (AIPSN) Response

 

On the draft STIP2020:

Need for a people-centered and future-oriented STIP based on reality

  1. During the ongoing pandemic, the Science Policy Forum and Department of Science and Technology initiated a series of discussions in different tracks to discuss various parts for formulating a draft STIP2020. On Dec 31st a draft was released in English online and a feedback response date of 25th Jan was given. Two days before the date, the deadline was extended to 31st Jan.
  2. In the economic transformation of Japan, South Korea and China their policies relating to Science, Technology and Innovation played a significant role in these countries’ development with advanced capabilities in technologies of the second and third industrial revolutions, poised to also develop such capabilities in 4th generation technologies expected to dominate the global economy over the next two decades. Several other Asian countries such as Singapore and Taiwan have also developed advanced manufacturing capabilities and know-how. All these nations have followed what we may broadly call a self-reliant pathway in S&T, consciously investing in developing their own knowledge, industrial and human resource capabilities over the years, as against depending on “Western” MNCs or companies for this. In the Global Innovation Index China now a rank 14th for the 2nd time in a row and remains the only middle-income economy in the GII top 30. India is at the 48th position. This follows the consistent growth of Gross Expenditure on R&D (GERD) with respect to the GDP in the case of China that grew from 0.6 in 1996 to 2.2 now, while in contrast India has remained hovering around 0.6 since 1996. GERD of the “Asian Tiger” economies follows a similar trajectory. It is also important to highlight the fact that China has used per capita GDP as a metric to measure its progress, thereby placing emphasis on the share of its working population in growth, rather than just GDP as India and many other countries do.
  1. The biggest weakness of draft STIP 2020 is that the policy is not rooted in the economic and industrial scenario of the country, and the direction in which these are visualized to transform over the next, say ten to fifteen years. Without such a vision, draft STIP2020 is cast in a vacuum. Further, the draft STIP2020 does not take cognizance of the present state of Science, Technology and Innovation in India, and put forward a policy that starts from where we are and leads to where we want to go. Similarly, the suggestions proposed do not also reckon with the institutional and systemic weaknesses or strengths. In this context, the very feasibility and utility of the draft STIP2020 are open to question, however nice this or that proposal sounds. Incidentally, STIP 2013 envisioned positioning India among the top 5 global scientific powers by 2020. Do we then presume that India has achieved that and now moves towards the top 3?
  1. A well thought out and designed policy that is sensitive to the needs of not only the people of India but of the world can make a tremendous difference. However, for inclusive and sustainable growth, it is important to first chart the practical steps for effective implementation of S&T policies. Such an approach is needed for balanced and integrated development taking into account the social and environmental aspects. In order to do this, it is important to first ensure the penetration of basic infrastructure of roads, electricity, communications and internet, water, public health, education and skills, to all parts of the country. Just as India’s R&D expenditure has historically been miserably low, so too has India’s investment in the health and education of the majority of its population and potential work force.  No less is the importance of a federated approach to take into account the geographical and developmental diversity amongst the States and Union Territories of India. A rigid one shoe fits all approach will not be useful. There has to be inbuilt flexibility in terms of structures, funding and implementation considering the developmental and infrastructural variations in different regions.
  1. The draft STIP2020 is not an authentic national STI policy. At best, it is like a policy for the Department of Science and Technology (DST). A transformational STI policy needs to bring on board all the government departments of the union Government, the state governments and the public in a collaborative mode for the formulation of STIP 2020 draft.
  1. The vision of the policy as mentioned “to build individual and institutional excellence in STI with the aspiration to achieve the highest level of global recognitions and awards in the coming decade” is completely flawed. One cannot have a national policy based only on awards and recognitions: if India does outstanding science and develops novel advanced technologies, awards and recognitions will follow. As the Nobel Laureate Venkatraman Ramakrishnan has said “Science flourishes when people are free to question authority”. But that cannot be built into a policy. It is an academic, research and society-wide culture and part of the scientific temper which is encouraged by our Constitution.
  1. The draft policy keeps referring to undefined Traditional Knowledge Systems and in one place links it with heritage. This along with references to undefined grassroots innovations is in dissonance with the vision to position India among the top three scientific superpowers in the decade to come. However, highlighting these in the draft STIP2020, in the context of what is currently being done in India under the rubric of these terms, does pave the way for significant funding for spurious and inefficacious efforts, often pulling in an opposite direction to the desired future-oriented STI.
  1. The draft STIP2020 is astonishingly filled with a plethora of new Institutions and Funding Schemes: the Capacity Building Authority, the STI Policy Institute, the overarching Strategic Technology Board, a Strategic Development Fund, a national STI Financing Authority, an STI Development Bank, the national STI governance mechanism, the National STI Observatory, Indian Science and Technology Archive of Research (INDSTA), Advanced Missions in Innovative Research Ecosystems (ADMIRE), a centralized database on all forms of Financial Incentives, and Inter-State Science, Technology and Innovation Council (IS-STIC). While it is necessary that funding mechanisms be centrally coordinated, the structural framework along with the control structure also needs to be decentralized in order to take into account the spirit of cooperative federalism envisaged in the Constitution of India.  These numerous new Institutions would only lead to additional bureaucratic structures in an already top-heavy science administration, draining even more funds from actual research. There is also no point creating new institutions and funding schemes without examining the problem of non-functioning or malfunctioning of existing ones.  It is ironic that these suggestions for new Institutions come at a time when the government is engaged in closing down many S&T Institutions and driving them to raise their own funds, therefore reducing the amount of research done, showing again how distanced the draft STIP2020 is from ground realities.
  1. The draft STIP2020 talks of attracting Foreign Direct Investment (FDI) in STI, reduction in corporate tax rates for foreign MNCs, fast track clearances, easing land acquisitions, adequate means for incorporating FDI etc. to be explored on a need basis. This is definitely detrimental to public  sector research in agriculture  aiming  to strive  for food  self sufficiency, security and especially nutritional security. Self-reliant STI can certainly not be built through FDI or by foreign MNCs who may manufacture in India but will not transfer technologies as experience hitherto has amply shown. Experience of Japan, S.Korea and China is exactly the same: they embarked on a self-reliant path precisely because MNCs and Western companies will never part with their technologies, since they know full well that it is knowledge and technology, which controls industry and the economy. This is yet another cardinal mistake in the draft STIP2020; following the present Governments idea that manufacturing in India by foreign companies/MNCs directly or through FDI in junior Indian partners, is also “Make in India” and also represents Atma Nirbhar Bharat. Nothing could be further from the truth. The draft STIP2020 is extremely permissive to imports, and by this route it plans to achieve ” Atmanirbhar Bharat” and India’s emergence as the third global power in STI! And for that, science is now given a new role: “S&T for diplomatic benefits” and “diplomacy for S&T development”! In this draft STIP2020, the Indian Diaspora are to serve as conduits in the mercantilist exploitation of science, in which India’s intellectual resources, like her scientists, will be the basic inputs in this Atmanirbhar Bharat’s Global Assembly Line.
  1. The long-term and continuing reluctance of the private sector in India to invest in R&D is notorious but is not meaningfully addressed in the draft STIP2020. Much of this is due to Indian corporates’ preference to take the easy route of foreign collaboration or technology imports repeatedly incentivized by industrial and taxation policies of successive governments, even further promoted by the current emphasis on FDI as the major engine of industrial and technological development. Minor policy incentives or inducements will not change this, and a thrust for genuine self-reliance is a must.
  1. The draft STIP2020 also provides an escape clause for the Central Government from the need for enhanced investments in R&D by proposing that all other stakeholders such as State governments, PSUs, SMEs, private sector, Universities, Research Institutions and so on would be required to set aside earmarked funds for R&D. This is a futile and sub-optimal exercise and would only lead to ineffectual “R&D” on paper, merely to satisfy some bureaucratic requirement. In the absence of mission-oriented R&D programmes at scale, the goal of transformative R&D to take India into a leading position in the 4th industrial revolution would remain a pipedream.
  1. There is no meaningful discussion of employment in a potentially changed capital and technology-intensive industrial scenario, and how the draft STIP2020 proposes to address this issue. There is therefore no mention of the working people, farmers, workers, migrants, unorganized workers, rural unemployed and under-employed. Nor is there any indication of how the STI is going to benefit and take them along in the process of inclusive and sustainable growth. This begs the question as to who this draft STIP2020 bell tolls for?
  1. Another big miss in the draft STIP2020 is the absence of addressing societal goals that can be targeted through S&T and by promoting scientific temper, issues that were emphasized in the Scientific Policy Resolution 1958 (SPR1958).Even in its mention of the SPR1958 document, the draft STIP2020 does not mention these aims of the SPR1958 and limits itself to stating that “S&T were seen as vehicles for the onward journey towards socio-economic transformation and nation building”. The role that S&T can play in alleviating hunger (India stands 102 among 117 countries in World Hunger Index), combating disease, ensuring health, hygiene, housing, employment and making the reach of science equitable are not addressed at all in the document.
  1. The draft STIP2020 is anything but what it says: “It is to be noted that the new STIP policy revolves around the principles of being decentralized, evidence-informed, bottom-up, experts-driven, and inclusive.” There are a lot of hollow claims of producing an evidence-driven, inclusive and bottom-up policy process steered and coordinated for the well being of the nation and its people with socio-economic and environmental considerations. The rambling draft policy makes all the right noises but lacks foundations of reality making it a catch all bucket list which without the grounding will remain wishful thinking. It is essential to cut the fluff and make it lean but meaningful.
  1. A major appreciative aspect of the draft STIP2020 is the very mention of LGBTQ+ and all that follows. But again it is dampened by the lack of specifics and arriving at how the changes can be made. The other aspect that is appealing is the talk of Open Science but the sheen is lost, due to not trying to figure out why it has not progressed, as needed, so far.
  1. The importance given to Science Communication is welcome, but it is disappointing to see the stress on scientists rather than on imbuing the lay citizen with scientific temper, critical thinking and the world view of science. It is puzzling that, rather than acknowledge and build upon the existing almost 40 year old people’s science movements in the country committed to and involved with activities towards this goal; this policy glibly seeks to “create” new science movements. Civil society organizations should be left to themselves and supported, but government-created “science movements” would be self-defeating and work against developing critical thinking which often requires looking at governmental S&T policies with a critical eye.
  1. The STIP will affect all sections of the public and, as mentioned in the draft STIP2020, it is meant to be inclusive. Moreover, it also intends to make science literature available in all languages and geographic regions. So a good starting point will be to make the draft STIP2020 available in all the Scheduled languages in the Constitution of India so that the public including researchers at all levels can meaningfully understand and discuss it to come forward with suggestions.
  1. There is no particular urgency to have the STIP brought out within the coming months especially in the time of the pandemic. It may therefore be a good idea to revise the Draft in a transparent manner taking into account comments received, and the revised STIP then placed before parliament allowing for scrutiny by the Parliamentary Standing Committee on S&T.

 

AIPSN demands for transforming the draft STIP2020

into a people-centered and future-oriented STIP based on reality:

 

a) The draft STIP2020 be made available officially on the website in all the Scheduled languages and propagated through social media and TV. After that is made available at least two months period should be given for wide dissemination and involvement in discussions. 

b) There should be a provision for giving feedback through hard copies also apart from only online as online access is still limited in the country. One contact person should be mentioned to ensure that the hard copies will be received correctly. 

c) All the suggestions received, as hard copies and online, must be put into an indexed publicly available online database so that there can be cross checking about incorporation in the STIP. 

d) The draft STIP2020 has to reduce the rhetoric and make it more realistic 

e) The NEP has not been debated in the Parliament. Therefore, endorsing or linking NEP in sections of the STI is not democratic. It is important to involve the Parliament in the STI through formation of a Parliamentary Standing Committee for STI. This is also one of the recommendations by UNESCO for countries to democratise the STIP. 

f) The many structures that are envisaged in the STI need to be decentralised, not in funding but in functionality and structure, taking into account the cooperative federalism which is the spirit of the Constitution. 

g) The four decades old popular science movements and some even older science popularization organizations in the country need to be acknowledged and built upon rather than artificially “creating” new science movements to act at the behest of the government. 

h) There were only limited online attempts to involve or seek the opinions of the wide thriving S&T community in the country. There needs to be more engaged consultations with such S&T communities distributed across the country to evolve this national policy. 

30Jan2021

 

For clarifications contact:

  1. Krishnaswamy 9442158638
  2. Rajamanickam, General Secretary, AIPSN

gsaipsn@gmail.com, 9442915101 @gsaipsn

 

 

Statement on Vaccines Roll-out

Statement on Vaccines Roll-out

click here to read the English pdf of the AIPSN-Statement-Vaccine-Rollout-15Jan2021

Click here to read Hindi pdf of AIPSN-Statement-Vaccine-Rollout-15Jan2021

AIPSN Statement on Vaccines Roll-out

15 Jan 2021

 

All India Peoples Science Network (AIPSN) is shocked that, as part of the mass vaccinations in India beginning on 16 January 2021 with inoculation of health workers, the Central Government is distributing 56 lakh doses of Bharat Biotech-ICMR’s Covaxin, along with 110 lakh doses of Serum Institute of India-Oxford Astra Zeneca’s Covishield. This is in open defiance of the conditions imposed by the Central Drugs Standards Control Organization (CDSCO) while granting emergency approval for Covaxin. CDSCO and its Subject Expert Committee (SEC) had clearly differentiated between Covishield and Covaxin. Whereas both vaccines were approved for “restricted use in emergency situations,” Covaxin was given conditional approval, after apparent overnight arm-twisting of the SEC, only in clinical trial mode (emphasis added).”

56 lakh doses, i.e. inoculation of 28 lakh persons, cannot be considered a “trial” by any stretch of the imagination, especially when Phase-3 clinical trials for Covaxin are already underway involving around 26,000 volunteers. Clearly, the Government has placed Covaxin and Covishield on similar footing, other than total numbers as of now. Any “trial mode” vaccination should involve special monitoring, follow-up and institutional arrangements. The ethical and scientific quality of the ‘trials’ cannot be disregarded. There is no information yet available in the public domain if the Government has communicated any special protocols for Covaxin inoculation. Most importantly, clinical trials should require informed consent or refusal by Covaxin recipients, after being made fully aware of conditions imposed by the CDSCO and the absence of Phase-III efficacy data.

In contrast, Secretary, Union Health Ministry stated in a press conference that recipients would have no right to choose between the two vaccines, making it clear that the Central Government is intent on shoving Covaxin down the throats of State Governments and into the arms of innocent recipients, in this first round the health workers and “Covid heroes” regardless of the CDSCO conditions.

Government has only itself to blame if public suspicion about Covaxin and vaccine skepticism increases further due to its own complete opacity in rolling out  Covaxin, with no information on any of the questions raised here. Unfortunately, the CDSCO and the Union Health Ministry, have subverted the scientific criteria regarding the regulation of vaccines including their own guidelines for emergency use. This would compromise both people’s interests and the credibility of Indian pharma internationally. Bharat Biotech CEO’s unseemly attack on people who have criticized the government’s clearance on emergency use of its vaccine and attacking other vaccines does not add any credibility to its vaccine.

 

AIPSN  urges: 

  • The Union Government issue special protocols for Covaxin administration in “clinical trial mode,” including obtaining informed consent or refusal of recipients and ensuring compliance with all CDSCO/SEC approval conditions; 
  • CDSCO and ICMR to ensure that all clinical trials conform to necessary ethical, scientific and technical standards; 
  • All State Governments take a hard decision on whether to deploy Covaxin widely, or whether to strictly conform to CDSCO/SEC conditions of limited “trial mode” deployment; 

 

 

For clarifications contact:

T.Sundararaman 99874388253 D. Raghunandan 9810098621 S. Krishnaswamy 9442158638

 

On Hasty Regulatory Approvals in India for Covid-19 Vaccines

click here for pdf of English version AIPSNStatement-VaccineApprovals-6Jan2021

On Hasty Regulatory Approvals in India for Covid-19 Vaccines

6 Jan 2021

India’s regulatory authority for medical products, the Central Drug Standards Control Organization (CDSCO), gave  “restricted emergency approval” on 2nd January 2020 for two Covid-19 Vaccines, namely Serum Institute of India (SII)’s “Covishield” being manufactured in India under technology transfer from Oxford University-Astra Zeneca, and the indigenous “Covaxin” developed by Bharat Biotech in collaboration with ICMR/National Institute of Virology.

AIPSN salutes the efforts of Indian scientists, research institutions and vaccine manufacturers in bringing to the forefront indigenous vaccines like Covaxin in less than a year, with some other candidates just a few months behind. As and when these vaccines meet the threshold requirements for at least 50% efficacy, AIPSN will join other citizens in hailing this triumph and India’s contribution to the global battle against the Covid-19 pandemic.

Tragically, the Government and CDSCO have together seriously damaged these hopes, and also undermined confidence in Covaxin and other vaccines against Covid-19, in particular concerning Covaxin, due to lack of evidence and unsatisfactory scientific basis, non-transparency and concerns around possible political pressure.

SII’s Covishield was approved on the basis of Phase-III clinical trials data from Brazil and the UK, and the approval granted by the UK’s Medical & Healthcare Regulatory Agency (MHRA) based on 70.4% efficacy revealed by the related published data despite some remaining grey areas relating to varying dosages. CDSCO approval for SII’s Covishield could have awaited results from on-going Phase-III trials and bridge studies in India to demonstrate efficacy and bio-equivalence.  However, given the UK approval the approval by CDSCO, although not ideal, may be understandable. Questions still remain, however, about the Health Ministry’s announcement of an extended gap of up to 12 weeks between the first and second doses, whereas the SEC is understood to have recommended the original protocol of 28-days.

The approval for Bharat Biotech’s Covaxin raises more serious questions. The SEC had called for additional data from Phase-III trials, but appears to have been pressured overnight into reconsidering its decision and giving approval the next day, albeit hedged in by many conditions. CDSCO’s Statement shows that the approval is based only on Phase-I and Phase-II data on safety and immune response, but without any efficacy data from Phase-III trials. Top-ranking officials of the Government and ICMR have been strenuously defending this decision by stressing safety and arguing, without any evidence, that the design of Covaxin might make it more effective against the new UK mutation.  The opinion of ICMR, a co-developer of Covaxin, reflects possible bias and a conflict of interest, besides adding to perceptions of pressure on the regulator.

The serious doubts of the SEC on Covaxin are reflected in the CDSCO’s statement saying SII’s Covishield is approved “for restricted use in emergency situation subject to certain regulatory conditions” whereas, in contrast, approval for Bharat Biotech-ICMR’s Covaxin is given with numerous conditions such as “restricted use in emergency situation in public interest as an abundant precaution, in clinical trial mode, to have more options for vaccinations, especially in case of infection by mutant strains (emphasis added).”

True to form, the Government is steamrolling the decision, and attacking all critics, including many leading Indian scientists, as opponents of Indian science who should instead be upholding “national pride” over the indigenously developed vaccine. This achievement will indeed be hailed as a major Indian scientific achievement once efficacy data are released but, by this hasty approval without evidence, the Government has shot itself in the foot. Whatever prestige India may gain abroad for an indigenously-developed vaccine will be outweighed by the damage caused to the credibility of Covaxin in particular, and of Indian science, research and regulatory institutions.

 

In light of the above, the AIPSN calls for:

  1. Re-consideration of approval for Covaxin till efficacy data is available or, at least, strict adherence to conditions specified in the CDSCO order implying no roll-out of Covaxin for mass vaccination. 
  2. Phase-III efficacy trials for both vaccines continue without extraneous pressure and the data published at the earliest
  3. No vaccine or Covid-19 related drug be released for commercial use in the private sector until regular approval as per protocols (as distinct from emergency use authorization) are obtained.

For clarifications contact:

Sundararaman 99874388253 D. Raghunandan 9810098621 S.Krishnaswamy 9442158638

Rajamanickam, General Secretary, AIPSN gsaipsn@gmail.com, 9442915101 @gsaipsn